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event so marvelously symbolical of this agǝlong crucifixion of the workers that its significance was seized by the toilers of his time and the cross became the badge of these "common people" who had "heard him gladly" when he came to preach deliver

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ance.

Always as Labor has hung upon the cross of class slavery he has caught glimpses of a freedom that might be. Once that vision was the Golden Age behind him. Then for ages more the vision was dim, its outlines distorted by ignorance and agony. But each succeeding eon of pain brought new capacity to draw strength from that very agony. Each desperate struggle that loosened the bonds ever so little brought opportunity more clearly to search out the road that leads to the kingdom of liberty.

Today the vision is clear, the way is charted, the unconquerable strength that is born of numbers united in bonds of brotherhood is ready to achieve that liberty.

The old body of labor that knew only suffering and misery and slavery and crucifixion is dying. The new spirit of rebellion and solidarity and brotherhood and freedom is arising. The race is lifting to a new resurrection when the old earth and the old hell shall pass away and a new earth shall be born.

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LAZARUS

By ALFRED COCHRANE

["Remember that thou in thy lifetime receivedst thy good things and likewise Lazarus evil things."]

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BRITISH PAINTERS AND DECORATORS

Exclusive correspondence of "Painter and Decorator."

London, November 15th, 1912.

HE tendency already noted in these columns for British trade unions to amalgamate, in order to prevent waste of effort, time, and money from overlapping and duplicating, continues to gain strength in the United Kingdom. Painters and decorators are intimately concerned with one of the principal of these movements. It may be remembered that following a conference held in Manchester on the question of the amalgamation of all building trades' workers into one union a special meeting was held in London in July last at which details were drawn up for submission to the members of the represented unions. Voting has taken place since and it seems clear, although much privacy still surrounds the matter, that between twenty and thirty unions favor amalgamation.

The painters, in the past, have done their best to amalgamate all the scattered unions of their craft into one society and they are working strongly now for the amalgamation of all building trades into one union. The London and Provincial Federation of Painters and Decorators has held a special meeting on the matter at which the chairman pointed out cases of sections of the building trades being compelled to blackleg other sections of the same industry. He showed that only by concerted action and a massing of forces under centralized control would painters and workers generally secure the betterment they were after.

Generally, all over the country, painters are making for increased money. In the past wages have ruled very low for the craft compared with other branches of the building trades but now substantial adAt Doncaster the vances are demanded. painters have asked for an advance from 14 cents to 17 cents per hour. At Blackburn they asked that their present rate of 17 cents per hour should be raised to 19 cents, together with payment at the rate of time-and-a-half after 5:30 p. m. in place of 7:30 p. m. as at present.

One dispute, at Macclesfield, which led to a twelve days' strike was concerned with what is called "walking time," that is time spent in going from the master's shop to the house which was to be painted. The

men claimed they were entitled to be paid for the walking time under the agreement between the local painters' unions and the local masters' association. The employer declared the distance was too small to be taken into acount. Eventually the strike was called off when he agreed to pay for twenty minutes' walking time.

For some time past the master painters in Perth, Scotland, and their employees have been at variance over the conditions of work, and at one time a strike seemed inevitable. The employers, however, have granted a number of concessions, which have been accepted by the men. An allround increase in wages of a cent an hour has been given. In future the men will receive double time for three days at midsummer instead of for two as under the old arrangement. In the matter of ordinary overtime, too, a concession has been made. Time and half will commence an hour earlier than formerly-at nine instead of ten o'clock. Arrangements have also been reached between the master painters in Greenock and Dundee with the Scottish Painters' Society to advance wages in these towns one cent per hour, from January 1, 1913. Minor concessions on overtime, country allowances, etc., have also been granted in the last named town.

It will be remembered that workers in the building trades and in the shipbuilding and engineering industries are required to be insured under the unemployment section of the National Insurance Act. This has already been explained in these columns. In certain cases however it was doubtful whether special classes of painting did come under the act and the matters in dispute were referred to the Government umpire. He has decided that contributions are payable in the cases of workmen engaged in the work of scaling, red-leading and painting ships; painters employed in the erection of signalling installations on railway or tramways, or engaged in the repair of steam and other vessels in railway companies workshops.

The painters generally have shown a marked eagerness to insure under both the "Health" and the "Unemployment" sections of the Act. The painting trade has always suffered greatly through season influences. Painters have fallen out of work at the

beginning of the winter and have had very irregular employment, if any, through December, January and February. Paperhangers and plasterers have been in a worse plight than the painters. Three months of unemployment in every year is spoken of as a moderate average for fully twothirds of the members of these trades. A provision of $1.75 per week for fifteen weeks out of every year for a payment of 5 cents per week while a man is employed is regarded by many of the workmen as a benefit the like of which has not before been within their reach.

The total number of cases of lead poisoning reported to the Home Office under the Factory and Workshops Act during September last was 47, one of which was fatal. In addition to these, 26 cases of lead poisoning, 5 of which were fatal, were reported among house painters and plumbers. During the nine months ending in September, 1912, the total number of cases of lead poisoning was 431 and there were 34 deaths from that cause, as compared with 503 reported cases and 29 deaths in the same nine months of 1911. In addition there were 185 cases of lead poisoning (including 33 deaths) among house painters and plumbers during the first nine months of 1912, as compared with 193 cases (including 38 deaths) in the corresponding period of 1911. Of the 47 cases reported under the Act in September this year, 2 occurred in connection with sheet and lead piping: plumbing and soldering were responsible for 4 cases; tinning of metals, white lead works and red lead works for 1 each; paint and color works for 2 cases; coach and car painting for 9 cases, and paint used in other industries for 5 cases. The only death from lead poisoning during September was in connection with shipbuilding.

The general labor situation here is exceedingly good although we are not having any sensational and enormous strikes such as those marking the first half of the current year. Throughout the country, however, a continual pressure upward is being exercised by the unions. In Lancashire, the great textile district, the operatives are entering protests, backed up by strikes, against bad material, that is material given out by the mill owners which requires such careful handling that the male and female workers in the mills cannot make up a decent week's wages.

The miners are busily engaged in settling up matters arising out of their recent great national strike. In South Wales, where about 160,000 miners are bound to

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gether in the South Wales Miners' Federation, they have been considering a policy of reconstruction. Their participation in the strike proved very costly and practically depleted the Federation funds. Schemes for raising the dues and reducing expenses, and incidentally cutting down the union officials' wages, have been considered.

In the shipbuilding yards present troubles are more domestic ones. The rivetters, who are directly employed by the ship yard owners and shipbuilders, themselves employ a subsidiary class of men called "holders-up." These holders-up are demanding an increased wage from the rivetters which is forcing the rivetters in turn to demand from their employers an increase in their money. It is rather a curious position of affairs as both the rivetters and the holders-up are members of the same trade union-the Boilermakers' Society.

One of the most pathetic strikes ever known in Great Britain is at present in progress in what is called "the holloware district" of the Black country. Here men, women and youths are concerned and all

are painfully overworked, badly treated, and underpaid. Women, for example, work twelve hours a day in an atmosphere laden with poisonous fumes for an average of from 25 to 35 cents a day. How sweated they are may be understood from the fact that they only demand a 54 hour week and a wage of $2.50. For this miserable return they would, apparently, be content to go on sacrificing their health in one of the foulest trades a woman could possibly be engaged in. The employers have raised the cry that they cannot afford to do anything except continue to sweat their workers, but

public opinion is on the side of the strikers and a successful result may be confidently anticipated.

The political situation in the United Kingdom is a very nervous one. The Government has sustained one defeat in the House of Commons on the financial clauses of its Home Rule Bill and it would not take much to precipitate a general election. The Labor Party in the House of Commons is now 41 members strong and it would hope and expect to return to the new Parliament substantially increased in numbers.

JUNIUS' PROTEST AND WARNING

By SAMUEL GOMPERS

E are often reminded that certain great fundamental principles underlie the institutions and progress of all ages. Sometime ago, in turning again the pages of the "Letters of Junius," we fell anew under the spell of that strange censor of the olden timethe pungent, incisive critic who, protected from public attack, dealt with men's motives and foibles with such brutal frankness. Junius lived in the period when England was founding her colonial empire, when the House of Commons was establishing .its dominance, and the cabinet system was in the making. It was a period in which the old order was changing. Junius' comments and warnings sound like modern editorials upon the insidiously dangerous principle underlying unwarranted assumption of power by officials and judges. For instance, he said:

"One precedent creates another. They soon accumulate, and constitute law. What yesterday was fact, today is doctrine. Examples are supposed to Justify the most dangerous measures, and where they do not suit exactly, the defect is supplied by analogy. Be assured, that the laws which protect us in our civil rights, grow out of our constitution, and they must fall or flourish with it."

Could modern journalist or statesman sound clearer warning against usurpation of authority than these upon the necessity of watchfulness lest liberties gained be filched from us? It is one's duty to resist officials perverting the laws of liberty. But let us further quote:

"But there is a set of men in this country whose understandings measure the violation of law by the magnitude of the instance, not by the important consequences which flow directly from the principle; and the minister, I presume, did not think it safe to quicken their apprehension too soon. Had Mr. Hampden reasoned and acted like the moderate men of

these days, instead of hazarding his whole fortune In a law-suit with the crown, he would have quietly paid the twenty shillings demanded of him; the Stuart family would probably have continued upon the throne, and, at this moment, the imposition of shipmoney would have been an acknowledged prerogative of the crown."

"We owe it to our ancestors to preserve entire those rights which they have delivered to our carewe owe it to our posterity not to suffer their dearest inheritance to be destroyed. But if it were possible for us to be insensible of these sacred claims, there is yet an obligation binding upon ourselves, from which nothing can acquit us-a personal interest, which we can not surrender. To alienate even our own rights would be a crime as much more enormous than suicide as a life of civil security and freedom is superior to a bare existence; and, if life be the bounty of heaven, we scornfully reject the noblest part of the gift if we consent to surrender that certain rule of living without which the condition of human nature is not only miserable, but contemptible."

Reactionary judges, out of harmony with the ideals and the spirit of the times, Junius discussed in terms not altogether deferential. Forsooth, are his writings printed here to be adjudged in contempt of court? He said:

"In contempt or ignorance of the common law of England, you have made it your study to introduce into the court where you preside maxims of jurisprudence unknown to Englishmen. The Roman code, the law of nations, and the opinion of foreign civilians are your perpetual theme: but who ever heard you mention Magna Charta or the Bill of Rights with approbation or respect? By such treacherous arts the noble simplicity and free spirit of our Saxon laws were first corrupted. The Norman conquest was not complete until Norman lawyers had introduced their laws, and reduced slavery to a system. This one lead. ing principle directs your interpretation of the laws, and accounts for your treatment of juries."

How is this as an illustration of Junius' keen appreciation of social psychology and social economy?

"The injustice done to an individual is sometimes of service to the public. Facts are apt to alarm us more than the most dangerous principles."

To appreciate tendencies and the import of events is a rare gift. Those who

have it, become the seers and leaders of the age. Experience has demonstrated how vividly some terrible disaster, such as the Titanic, will press upon the consciences of those in power, as well as the people who hold them responsible, long standing injustice and hardships to which attention had been called in vain. A terrible concrete illustration seems necessary to make people sense the principle.

With emphasis and force in keeping with the importance of his thesis, Junius delivers this admonition concerning the freedom of the press:

"I can not doubt that you will unanimously assert the freedom of election, and vindicate your exclusive right to choose your representatives. But other questions have been started, on which your determination

should be equally clear and unanimous. Let it be impressed upon your minds, let it be instilled into your children, that the liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political, and religious rights of an Englishman, and that the right of juries to return a general verdict, in all cases whatsoever, is an essential part of our Constitution, not to be controlled or limited by the judges, nor in any shape questionable by the legislature."

What seem to be new problems of each age, are after all but the same old problems of human nature in a new form or new applications of old manifestations. Junius knew the price of liberty, and knew how it often slips away when each innovation, each precedent, is not thoroughly scrutinized and unless every attempt at judicial invasion of the rights of citizenship and of manhood, every species of tyranny, is resisted to the uttermost.

ITHOUT

LABOR AND THE TRUSTS

Industrial Liberty the American ideals of social and industrial justice are unattainable. We fear that the new party plan of legalizing industrial monopolies would unwittingly become the instrument of industrial servitude. America seeks for its working men shorter hours, higher wages, and better working conditions as the fruits of industrial democracy; but the new party offers them as a substitute for industrial democracy. It asks us to abandon the American ideal of industrial liberty and to establish the German practice of benevolent industrial despotism-to enthrone monopoly made good by law.

The country was horrified recently by the discovery that the Steel Trust, which had paid fabulous sums to promoters and stockholders, worked many of its employees twelve hours a day, seven days in the week -worked them, too, at such low wages that, even if a man toiled his twelve hours each of the 365 days in the year, he could not earn enough to provide a decent living for a small family. The doctrine of legalized monopoly threatens to perpetuate the cause which made such conditions possible and which must breed similar evils in the future. That cause is the huge, overweening power of the great trusts, the inexhaustible resources of organized capital, which enable it to prevent the organization of labor and to make the term ironmaster a reality. America must breed only free men. It must develop citizens.

It

cannot develop citizens unless the workingman possesses industrial liberty; and industrial liberty for the workingman is impossible it the right to organize be denied. Without the right to organize, short bours, high wages, and the best of working conditions, whether, introduced by legislation or by the welfare departments of great corporations, can do no more than make slavery luxurious.

The great trusts have made the extermination of organized labor from their own works the foundation stone of their administration. Read this resolution, passed by the Steel Trust in 1901:

That we are unalterably opposed to any extension of union labor and advise subsidiary companies to take firm positions when these questions come up and say they are not going to recognize it-that is, any extension of unions in mills where they do not now exist.

Here is a Steel Trust advertisement:

Wanted. Sixty-two house men, tinners, catchers, and helpers to work in open shops; Syrians, Poles, and Roumanians preferred; steady employment and good wages to men willing to work; fare paid and no fees charged for this work. Central Employment Bureau, 628 Pennsylvania avenue.

The result is that about eighty per cent of the unskilled laborers in the steel and iron business are foreigners of these classes. This ability of the great combinations of capital to overcome combinations of workingmen is confidently relied upon by the advocates of trusts as one of the savings of combination. Montague in his "Trusts of To-day," in explaining the trusts' "Improved Position in Dealing with Labor," says:

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