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FOREIGN TOPICS.

WILL THE UNITED STATES INTERVENE IN THE VENEZUELAN-COLOMBIAN DISPUTE?

EUROPEAN journals see the beginnings of grave interna

tional complications in the presence of an American manof-war at the scene of the troubles between Venezuela and Colombia. The present "little squabble" will soon be forgotten, but, says The Saturday Review (London), "it is to be hoped that Europe will not forget the end toward which American policy is steadily making." The time will come, continues this London journal, "when the outrageous principle by which South America on grounds of 'geographical gravitation' is claimed as exclusively American, will produce a deadlock between the European and American governments." Germany "will not surrender her legitimate claims to expansion in South America, nor will Spain nor France nor Britain." Under the heading "Sancte Monrovi, ora pro nobis," The St. James's Gazette (London) says:

"The extension of the gospel according to St. Monroe involved in the action of the United States has, we are told, created unusual stir in South American diplomatic quarters, and the development is most grateful to South America.' These naughty little boys must always be fighting among themselves, and are rather pleased than otherwise at the arrival on the scene of the big prefect, who will secure them permanent peace with honor. But does the arrival of the Vineta upon the scene portend that Yankee pretensions to the control of South America may be followed by a shaking of the mailed fist?"

Most of the European comment is along the same lines. The merits of the dispute itself receive but little consideration. The Journal des Débats' foreign reviewer, M. Alcide Ebray, predicts that it will be the beginning of the end for South American independence. He believes that the United States will actively intervene and make this intervention the entering wedge of actual domination of the entire South American continent. He says:

"Washington is plainly growing more and more disposed to intervene, and the activity at the American departments of war and marine indicates that the attitude, ostensibly assumed to smooth out the interruptions to the trans-Isthmian traffic, will undoubtedly soon become a permanent phase of American policy." Robert de Caix, writing in the same journal, declares that

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puts them completely at the mercy of the great, greedy republic of the North, whose world policy is now to claim the entire South American continent as its own." Intervention by the United States, concludes the Temps, is already a fact which only those who are politically blind fail to see. Up to the present time, observes the

Frankfurter Zeitung, the rest of the world could look on

with

GENERAL URIBE-URIBE,

Leader of the Colombian Revolutionists.

Courtesy of the Economista Internacional, New York.

amused unconcern while the South American republics had revolution after revolution and war after war. But hereafter Europe must watch the progress of events in South America with a keen, jealous care, always keeping an eye open toward the United States. The semi-official Fremdenblatt (Vienna) considers it "inevitable that there should be a progressive absorption of the inferior states by the great republic of the North." The Neue Freie Presse, also of Vienna, insists that the United States will use the present Colombian-Venezuelan difference as a pretext to seize and hold the isthmus of Panama. The Pester Lloyd (Budapest) believes that the United States will intervene in the dispute and, as in the Spanish war, will resent any hint of European participation in the decision. It warns Americans to proceed slowly, however, and not to let the imperialistic idea run away with them.

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THE REGION IN WHICH THE LATEST SOUTH AMERICAN WAR IS BEING FOUGHT.

The Epoca (Madrid) discounts much that has been reported in the European press about the violence of the state of affairs in the two republics. The whole matter, says this Spanish journal, may be laid at the door of the jingoes of New York and Washington. It continues:

"Throughout the entire continent of South America, it is an accepted fact that both in New York and Washington these conflicts are incited by hidden hands, the object being to create a situation which would justify the employment of the American grasping hand. This hand aims at extending its grip to the territory of Panama, under the cloak of protecting the commerce and the railroad of that state (Panama). Fortunately, the policy of Great Britain preserves Nicaragua from a like fate; she will in no wise consent to the lapse of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, custodian, as she is, of the neutrality of the canals, nor does she accede to the amendments which the American Senate has endeavored to insert in the treaty negotiated by the ministers Hay and Pauncefote. All that the whole world of America has seen in the perturbations in Co

lombia and the actual alarm in Venezuela, as also in the precipitation with which a war-vessel has been despatched to the coasts of the isthmus, clearly show the intention of the jingoes of the North to acquire Central American teritorry. In spite of all, there will be no actual war between the republics of Colombia and Venezuela."

The South American Journal (London), organ of British vested interests in the Southern continent, declares that no one can object to a "moral oversight " exercised by the United States. Further, it says:

"It might be a good thing if the Americans were to go a little further and use their influence to bring about a more settled state of affairs. As to their taking possession of any portion of the territory by force, that is quite out of the question. The United States has a hard enough task already in the Philippines, the area and population of which are insignificant compared with either Colombia or Venezuela, and this should serve it as an object-lesson as to the dangers of trying to conquer such countries." -Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

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THE TURK: "Bismillah! them all up?

How can I hold -Floh, Vienna.

sion to reactionary tactics," declares the Temps (Paris), in an editorial presumably inspired by the Foreign Office, and a virtual repetition of an interview ascribed to M. Delcassé, Foreign Minister, recently published in the Matin. Says the Temps fur

ther:

"The energetic attitude adopted by Austria-Hungary. England, and France during the postal question was not enough to open the eyes of the anti-foreign advisers of the Sultan, who have no sort of notion of political meteorology, and have not perceived that a period of high pressure has succeeded one of depression. The wind may have been blowing in the quarter of concessions and feeble currents for a long time, but this is the case no longer. And when once the European chancelleries are aware that the only object of France at Constantinople is to defend rights which have been as violently trodden under-foot as will be those with which they themselves will sooner or later have to deal, they will not be disposed to give the Sublime Porte anything but judicious advice. The attitude of the European press is a manifest proof of this and the fact need cause no surprise. The danger which European peace would run if the present tendencies of the fanatics of the Yildiz Kiosk were encouraged, is now perfectly well understood everywhere. . . . Turkey has much more need of France than France has of Turkey. And if the recall of M. Constans, the first of the measures intended by M. Delcassé to mark the purpose of the French Government, is not sufficiently understood at Constantinople, it will not be difficult to give a clearer indication."

The Figaro (Paris) further elaborates the views of the French Government. It says in part:

"France can not rest quietly under such treatment from the Porte. Our Government supports its ambassador and we French people support the Government. It would not be worth while having one of the most powerful armies in the world and a navy which fears no comparison, it would not be worth while being bound in close alliance to the largest empire in the world, if we were to allow an affront such as is laid upon our ambassador to go unrebuked. We will exact full reparation, and no Power shall stand between us and the Sultan."

An anonymous writer in The St. James's Gazette (London) declares that the Turk as a race is decadent almost to the point of dissolution, and that the difficulty with France marks the beginning of the end for the Mussulmans. The Turkish question, says this writer, is at bottom a woman question:

"The Sultan is what his women have made him, and so will his successor be. The mother of Abdul Hamid was a beautiful renegade Armenian, the relentless foe of her own race. It is not possible for the motherhood of a nation to be degraded as is that of Turkey, and for the manhood of the race to be at the same time progressive or enlightened. Turkey has no female dignity corresponding with a queen or an empress. The harem is but a collection of wives and concubines in which the child of some unknown slave may rise to power. There is no aristocracy to check the Sultan. Great families can not exist. Why is official corruption in Turkey more official and more corrupt than in any other land on earth? Polygamy and the insatiable greed of Turkish wives are responsible for it all. The enslavement of woman brings terrible retribution. The ladies run their husbands into debt, and the men have to look sharply after bribes in order to meet their deficits. Matrimonial morals are curiously ordered. In the silk factories of Brusa a young girl will come in the morning to ask for an hour's leave to get divorced, as she and her husband are tired of each other. Later in the day she requests another hour's leave, this time to get married again. A girl under twenty may have assumed and repudiated the connubial bonds at least a dozen times. Amongst the agricultural classes throughout Turkey the women are miserably degraded, especially in Asia Minor. The village women are poor, stunted, and downtrodden. In thousands of cases they become, when no longer young, mere beasts of burden. These are the tillers of the soil. This, more than any other reason, accounts for the degeneration of the Turk."

Altho the German press denies that the Sultan has asked for German intervention, it is generally believed on the Continent that Turkey did actually apply to Kaiser Wilhelm and was told to settle her own troubles. The National Zeitung (Berlin) declares that Germany does not intend even to mediate and has no interest in staying the judgment of France. The Neue Freie Presse (Vienna) believes that France's power and prestige in the Levant will be greatly enhanced by the outcome, for, it says, "no Power will lift a finger to stop her in whatever punishment she may mete out to the sick man of Constantinople."

The Sultan's greatest fear in the whole matter, the news despatches say, is that the incident may encourage the so-called Young Turkish Party, which aims at political and economic reform in the empire, and of which he stands in mortal dread. Assassination is what he fears at the hands of some member of this party. In an irade issued a week or so ago he forbade the use of the term "Young Turk." The irade is as follows:

"Certain persons, evilly disposed toward the Government and country, call themselves Young Turks' in order to sow disunion and strife, and assert that they form a faction or party. By imperial irade, it has been forbidden to all officials and other subjects of the empire to utter or to spread abroad the expression Young Turk.'

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The Echo de Paris declares that it has well-authenticated information that, if the Sultan does not accord France satisfaction within a certain time (not specified), the surveillance of the members of the Young Turkish party in France (Paris being

the center of their operations) will no longer be enforced, and that any Turkish agitator will be permitted to carry on his work unhindered. The Constantinople correspondent of the London Standard declares that there is really no such thing as a Young Turk Party. He quotes a "prominent Turkish writer, whose name is withheld for reasons of his personal safety," as saying: "There are a great number of educated Turks who deeply feel the present condition of their country, and a few, of the younger ones especially, have sacrificed a good deal in their efforts to rouse the Sultan and the nation to a sense of the danger of a continuance on present lines. . .

"Any proposal to give greater liberty or larger rights to the masses is viewed at once as an attack on imperial prerogative, and this mistrust of change, this dislike to the improvement in great things, has been nursed and developed into a fixed resolve to keep Turkey back even in small ones. This is apparent in the veto on the introduction of books, electrical machinery, printingpresses, scientific instruments, and many other articles which are the common, if not necessary, adjuncts of civilized life elsewhere. . . . None of us are encouraged to buy, build, or improve property, as it is sure to be seized sooner or later, and we have no embassy to which to appeal for protection against the illegalities of which we are the daily victims. Our tribunals are corrupt beyond belief, and whereas formerly judges had to be approached through third parties, it is now the judge himself who comes to ask the litigant to outbid his adversary.

"Under these circumstances nobody need be surprised if there is an almost universal feeling of discontent, and a wish to improve the condition of the people and of the country by the introduction of radical changes. We should welcome the help of the Powers toward this end, that is, the end of placing the whole administration on a new and more liberal basis, not of trying to introduce patches of so-called reforms here and there in favor of any particular section of the population, for that is impossible." What we want, this Turkish gentleman is reported as saying in conclusion, is not so much reforms as a proper execution of existing laws:

"A clean sweep should be made of the contemptible horde of spies who now render the life of every Turk a burden, and the tribunals must be thoroughly purged. The administration requires to be placed on the usual European footing, where an official can look to his own efforts and capacity for advancement, and not to the favor of some protector. And, lastly, each department of state should be responsible, and allowed to manage its own affairs, instead of the whole machinery of government being, as it now is, centralized at Yildiz. This centralization is one of the most crying evils of which we complain, for it has destroyed all respect for the Porte both in the people and in the embassies. The ministers are mere ciphers, and Turkey is being ruled by his Majesty through a few practically nameless and completely irresponsible individuals composing his immediate entourage."

The British press generally heartily supports France in her - course. The Daily News (London) hopes that France will take severe measures. The partition of Poland, it says, was a crime, but the partition of Turkey would be a blessing. No self-respecting government could do otherwise than France has done, says The Times (London). The Spectator (London) believes that the question involves the larger matter of waning French prestige throughout the entire Levant:

"If France beats the Sultan, and forces him to do her bidding publicly and openly, a great deal will have been done to restore to France her old position at Constantinople. If the Sultan, on the other hand, gains the victory, French influence must continue to decline still further, and the process which has been going on for the last fifteen or twenty years will be still further accentuated."

The Spectator believes that the French ambassador, M. Constans, is making the stroke of his life to counteract the growing German political and commercial preponderance in the Near East. While most of the continental Powers would be secretly pleased to see France rebuffed, this London journal declares that Eng

land "should desire a French victory at Constantinople." It says:

"Practically whatever prestige is lost by France at Constantinople will be gained by Germany. But do we want to see Germany made even more powerful at Constantinople? We would not, of course, attempt to oppose Germany in Constantinople, but there is no reason why we should smoothe her path for her, and gain the enmity of France in doing so."

The Speaker and The Morning Leader (London) believe that Russia is behind the whole matter and that France is simply trying to mask new Muscovite schemes in the Balkans.

From the beginning of the difficulty the Russian press has ridiculed the idea that France would resort to war to enforce her claims. The republic, the journals of the Russian empire declared, would take no decisive step toward reopening the dangerous question of the Near East without obtaining the full consent of her ally, and all the Russian papers declare that their Government is bent on preserving the peace of Europe. Yet it is recognized that the situation and recent developments in Turkey are distinctly unfavorable to Russian interests and ultimate designs. In a significant series of editorials the St. Petersburg Novoye Vremya (rendered careful by its recent suspension for a week) has been directing attention to the "conquest of Turkey by Germany." German capitalists have secured important railway and banking concessions from the Porte, and the latest of these is characterized as having "a world-significance." It represents the cession, for a free port, of a harbor on the Scutarian shore of the Bosporus-the terminus of a network of Anatolian railways. The paper uses this language:

'Apart from their connection with the projected line to Bagdad, the new privileges just acquired can not but offend Russian selflove. Think of the blood we have shed for the Bosporus, and how ardently we have contemplated the cross over the Sophiaand now, presto! the Germans, who have sustained no serious sacrifices in gaining their influence over Turkey, acquire, in fee simple, a harbor on the Bosporus! Really, this almost sounds like a fantastic tale, except that the end is a very unpleasant one for us. Or, rather, it is like an oppressive, incomprehensible nightmare."

The Moniteur Ottoman (Constantinople), a Turkish organ, is quoted in Russia as saying that these valuable privileges have been secured chiefly through diplomatic efforts, and that they afford another indication of the growing friendship between the German Emperor and the Sultan's Government. Hence in any quarrel between a Western European Power and Turkey Germany would feel a direct and vital interest.

There is, it further appears, a connection between the new German privileges in Turkey and the tariff question raised by the proposed German customs law. The Novoye Vremya expresses apprehension on this score also. It says:

"The free port concession on the Bosporus means that all the goods brought by German merchants from Asia Minor, and later from Mesopotamia also, will be exempt from the internal customs payments imposed on all shipments from the provinces to Constantinople. Why the Germans should enjoy this special privilege we can not understand. But the effect will be that the Germans will get the grain of Asia Minor cheaper than Russian or American grain. To facilitate the imports of Asiatic grain into Germany the Turkish irade allowed the Anatolian railway companies to build elevators at all the stations on their present and projected lines."

Thus Germany will be relieved from the fear of the retaliation threatened by Russia and the United States.

The Novosti and the Rossya, both of St. Petersburg, deplore the whole matter and set down the Sultan's obstinacy to direct German encouragement, as the Germans "undoubtedly desire to step into the shoes of the French quays company."-Translations made for THE LITERARY Digest.

ΤΗ

CHINESE PRESS ON REFORM.

HE native Chinese press is at present chiefly occupied with discussion of political and social reform. According to a missionary in the vicinity of Shanghai, who writes to THE LITERARY DIGEST, the invitation of the imperial court to all loyal Chinese to submit reform suggestions has resulted in a mass of correspondence containing suggestions "of every degree of sense and nonsense." The condition attached, that the EmpressDowager must approve of any measure before its adoption, predoom many to failure unless backed up by great influence or pressure. One writer goes so far as to advocate the adoption of Western clothes by officials and the compulsory observance of one day in seven as a day of "bathing and rest." A suggestion to abolish the records of precedents which reach so far back and contain so many contradictory decisions that may admit of endless corruption, and to make a new start, was at first adopted, and an imperial rescript was promulgated to that effect; but, under reactionary influences, this was afterward rescinded. A few suggestions or memorials, says the missionary, strike at the real root of China's ills-the lack of upright men at the head of affairs. Most anxiously looked for have been the memorials of the famous Yangtse viceroys, Tsang Chih Tung and Liu Kun Yi, who, it will be remembered, were the men who last year took the lead in saving the south of China from anarchy and war, and who, with Governor Yuan Shih Kai, of Shangtung, and Li Hung Chang, were the "saviors of their country and are the greatest men of China to-day." Our correspondent translates from The Universal Gazette (Chang Wai Jih Pao), of Shanghai, a summary of the suggestions just offered by these viceroys as follows:

In all there are three memorials. The first is in regard to establishing civil and military schools, a changing of methods of examination, the abolishing of the old military examinations, and rewards for those who go to foreign countries to be educated. There is also a memorandum in regard to imperial provision for expenses.

The second is in regard to the reform of Chinese laws and contains twelve recommendations bearing on the following subjects: 1. Economy. 2. Repeal of obnoxious laws. 3. Doing away with the buying of official position. 4. A stricter oversight over officials and better salaries. 5. Abolishing the system of clerks, who have so much authority. 6. The same of subordinates. 7. Prison reform. 8. Selection of officials for competency rather than by the old method of examination. 9. Some other and better method of pensioning Manchus. 10. Abolishing local guards. II. Abolishing the system of idle soldiery. 12. Adopting a simpler and less ceremonious style in official documents.

The third memorial contains recommendations concerning the adoption of Western ideas and has thirteen articles: 1. Sending men to the West for education. 2. Improvement of military methods in accordance with Western ideas. 3. Military expenditures. 4. Agriculture. 5. Manufacture. 6. Regulations regarding mines. 7. Regarding railroads. 8. Regulating punishments in accordance with Western ideas. 9. Currency. A stamp tax. II. Extension of the imperial post-office. Practise of medicine. 13. Translation of important books.

IO. 12.

The Shanghai Mercury quotes the native journal, the Sin Wan Pao, as strongly condemning the old essay style of examination, which it characterizes as "a destroyer of men's faculties and one of the main causes of the poverty and weakness of China.” This native journal continues:

"Unless the examinations are changed and the essay abolished men's talents will not be developed, and the kingdom will never revive. True, it will be hard to abolish the essay. But the examinations have been postponed so often, and there is talk now of a general cessation for five years. The opportunity for abolishing the essay is very favorable. Under the present system, all students must restrain their talents and close up all their own avenues of intelligence, all for the sake of the most slavish adherence to certain ancient models of style. Such students can

not either establish their own characters or regulate their families, or take their places in the world, or perform their duties as subjects. Neither can they rule the people. For these are the topics upon which their fathers and instructors are silent."

The Mercury, referring to an editorial in the native paper, Shen Pao, calling for reform, says:

"Yes, reforms are needed, but the main thing is to get men. .. How is it that, at the beginning of China's history, customswhich have been handed steadily down to our own times produced such prosperity then, and now fail so lamentably? It is simply because we lack the men. It is not that the laws of Western nations so far transcend the Chinese in excellence. It

is only that they are able with sincerity to seek after their country's good and their powers are fixed immovably. Alas! In China the upper and the lower classes are mutually suspicious, so that a disgraceful weakness is the result. . . . We think that. in China's vast expanse there must be good men if they could only be found."

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Bismarck and the Late Empress Frederick.-The"official" life of the Emperor Frederick I., of Germany, husband: of the late Dowager-Empress, which has been recently published in translation in this city, declares that it was the dearest wish: of Frederick's heart to reconcile his wife and the great Chancellor Bismarck, who had quarrelled for years. T. P. O'Connor, who reviews the book in The New Liberal Review (London,. September), says of this quarrel:

"The Empress was an Englishwoman to the very tips of her fingers; proudly, defiantly, persistently-sometimes even ostentatiously and imprudently-English. I know few things more curious in history than the final defiance and the final profession of her English faith which is to be found in her instruction that even her coffin should be English in shape, and should bear facsimiles of the English rose on its lid; and that an English bishop and an English vicar-they were both Irishmen, as a matter of fact, but they belonged to the English Church-should say most of the prayers over her remains. And similarly Bismarck was. narrowly and uncompromisingly German, and so far as he had preference and antipathies outside his political purposes, was rather anti-English. In addition to this reason for the partizanship of Englishmen on the side of their countrywoman in her struggle with Bismarck, there was the fact that Bismarck's. methods were often inexpressibly brutal and mean. It required' all his cynicism to first pay a journalist to abuse the Empress, and then pay either the same or other journalists to denounce the venal and unworthy ruffians who had abused her. Chivalry was not one of Bismarck's virtues; it is doubtful if any great leader of men has ever been chivalrous-I mean, of course, in the world of conflict. And to Bismarck, accordingly, a struggle with a wo-man who happened to be a political opponent had presented no. more claim for quarter than if it had been with a man."

Despite this alleged brutality, Bismarck, says Mr. O'Connor, was right, because he was fighting for the destinies of millions..

FOREIGN NOTES.

ACCORDING to the Dziennik Narodowy (Chicago), the first woman druggist in Russia has just been licensed to do business in St. Petersburg. She is Miss Antonina Lesniewska, a Polish lady, and her shop is on one of the busiest sections of the Nevsky Prospect.

A PAN-BRITISH Exposition is one of the possibilities of the near future, in the opinion of The Canadian Manufacturer (Toronto). This journal declares that there is a growing demand for an exposition in Toronto, which would include not only the provinces of the Dominion of Canada, but those embraced in the Commonwealth of Australia, and also every land which owes allegiance to the British flag, including Great Britain herself.

IN a bitter editorial denouncing the course of the American Navy Department in the Sampson-Schley controversy, The Argus (Melbourne) says: "In the United States, where officers in supreme command, naval or military, seize their pens as soon as they have sheathed their swords, and begin to contribute accounts of their campaigns to the periodicals, the sequel of a war is always likel to be a series of vehement scolding.

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T.B. Roced

Editor-in-Chief

ASSOCIATE EDITORS

Hon. Justin McCarthy, M.P.
Rossiter Johnson

Albert Ellery Bergh

Edward Everett Hale
John B. Gordon

Jonathan P. Dolliver
Nathan Haskell Dole
James B. Pond

George McLean Harper

Edwin M. Bacon
Truman A. De Weese

Lorenzo Sears
Champ Clark

Clark Howell

HORACE POKTER

J. P. DOLLIVER

JOHN B. GORDON

CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW

THE PUBLICATION OF

MARK TWAIN

"Modern Eloquence'

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(10 HANDSOME LIBRARY VOLUMES)

S an event of premier importance. For the first time the best After-dinner Speeches, Lectures, Addresses, Anecdotes, Reminiscences, and Repartee of America's and England's most brilliant men have been selected-edited, arranged-by an editorial board of men themselves eloquent with word and pen-men who have achieved eminence in varied fields of activity.

These gems of spoken thought were fugitive from lack of proper preservative means, until the Hon. Thomas B. Reed, upon voluntarily retiring from the Speakership of the House of Representatives, gathered about him these men of mark and experience in literature, his friends and co-workers in other fields, and began the task of preparing this great work. North, East, South and West and the Mother country as well, have been searched for gems in every field of eloquence.

Here was a lecture that had wrought upon the very souls of great audiences; there an after-dinner speech, which "between the lines" was freighted with the destinies of nations. Here was a eulogy expressing in few but virile words the love, the honor and the tears of millions, and there an address pregnant with the fruits of a strenuous life's work. Or, perchance, a reminiscence, keen, scintillant repartee, or a story potent in significance, and aflame with human interest. Matter there was in abundance, for Englishspeaking peoples are eloquent, but the best-only the best, only the great, the brilliant, the worthy to endure, has been the guiding rule of Mr. Reed and his colleagues. Their editorial labors have been immense.

While libraries and musty files were being delved into in a hundred places-while famous men were putting into manuscript their brain children-while reminiscence, repartee, and story were being reduced to type, and speeches, addresses, and lectures, which money could not buy, were in friendship's name being offered, Mr. Reed was preparing for this work, his most ambitious contributions to literature-his piece de resistance-"The Influence and the History of Oratory." Prof. Lorenzo Sears, beloved and honored in many lands for his critical and contributary work in literature, was writing "The History of After-Dinner Speaking.". So with Champ Clark, Edward Everett Hale, Senator Dolliver, and Hamilton Wright Mabie-each was producing a special contribution, which of itself is a gem of thought, a monument to research, study and observant experience.

A PARTIAL LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Joseph H. Choate
Lord Beaconsfield
James G. Blaine
William M. Evarts
John Hay

Oliver Wendell Holmes

Sir Henry Irving
Charles A. Dana
Robert J. Burdette
Russell H. Conwell
Canon Farrar
John B. Gough
Andrew Lang
Wendell Phillips
Josh Billings
John Tyndall
Lyman Abbott
Charles Dudley Warner
William Cullen Bryant
Rufus Choate
Theodore Roosevelt
Arthur J. Balfour
Jonathan P. Dolliver
Edward Eggleston
William E. Gladstone
Hamilton

Mark Twain
Champ Clark

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Chauncey M. Depew
Henry Ward Beecher
Mark Twain

Henry W. Grady
Joseph Jefferson
Robert G. Ingersoll
Seth Low

George William Curtis
Artemus Ward

Paul du Chaillu
John B. Gordon

Newell Dwight Hillis
John Morley
John Ruskin

Henry M. Stanley
Wu Ting Fang
Chas. Francis Adams
John L. Spaulding
Joseph Chamberlain
Grover Cleveland
Fisher Ames
Lawrence Barrett
Henry Drummond
James A. Garfield
Sir John Lubbock
Wright Mabie

Horace Porter
John M. Allen

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Whatever the viewpoint, this work is without precedent.
It has no predecessor, no competitor. Speeches that have
been flashed across continents, lectures that have been repeated over and over again to never-tiring
audiences (but never published), addresses that have made famous the man, the time, and the place-
these are brought together for the nrst time, and with them a large number of the wittiest
sayings of the wittiest men of the nineteenth century.

For an hour for a whole evening in the easy chair at home-for the study of style and diction that
have electrified brilliant assemblies, for the man ambitious to become a successful or popular public
speaker, and for the one who has to prepare a toast or an address, this work is a never-failing source
of charm and inspiration. Nor is this solely a man's work." "The tenderest tribute to
women I have ever read," said Senator Dolliver when he read the manuscript of Joseph
Choate's after-dinner speech, "The Pilgrim Mothers."

"MODERN ELOQUENCE" is sumptuously published in 10 octavo volumes,
but moderately priced. To properly present this eclectic library, Portfolios
comprising Table of Contents, fine photogravures, chromatic plates, sample
pages and othor interesting material, have been prepared. One of these
portfolios, with full particulars regarding bindings, prices, terms, etc.,
will be sent free of expense on receipt of coupon.

JOHN D. MORRIS & CO.,

PUBLISHERS,

1101 CHESTNUT STREET,

PHILADELPHIA.

INQUIRY OUPON

JOHN D.MORRIS & CO 1101 CHESTNUT ST. PHILADELPHIA

GENTLEMEN: Referring to

your advertisement of Hon. Thos.

[graphic]

CUT

OFF HERE

B. Reed's Library of Modern Eloquence in LITERARY DIGEST, I will be pleased to receive portfolio of sample pages, photogravures, and chromatic plates; also full particulars regarding bindings, prices, L.D. 9-28

etc.

NAME
OCCUPATION..
STREET...
CITY AND STATE

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