Lapas attēli

The essentials of peace are these:

1. Disarmament down to a police level for preserving order in nations and between nations. There is some truth in the statement that wars cause armament rather than the reverse. Yet Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Minister, believed that the naval race between Britain and Germany was a major cause of the stupid and brutal World War I. There is high probability that if, after the stalemated War of 1812, we had not gained a total disarmament along the Canadian border, some of the boundary quarrels of the 19th century would have led to war. Moreover, there is extraordinary danger in giving any group of men weapons of obliteration with which to play. To trust to indefinite deterrence. by balance of terror is a little like keeping peace in a kindergarten by giving quarreling children revolvers.

Disarmament will have to be in stages, but it must be rapid. If only quantity of arms is at stake the United States and Soviet Union have many times over what they need. But there is and always will be in a world that trusts primarily to armament, a qualitative race in arms so that no nation will dare stop increasing its armament with what it thinks are the newest weapons.

2. Disarmament must be under control of international authority. We shall neither get nor maintain disarmament except in a world where law supplants war much as law supplanted blood feuds within tribes and nations. I can 'best express my views on the nature and extent of international controls by endorsing the well-known book by Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn, entitled "World Peace Through World Law." I agree with Messrs. Clark and Sohn that today, with the flood of new nations in the U.N., the revisions they suggest for the charter are unattainable; but I also agree with them that it might be possible to persuade the U.N., and of course its member nations, to supplement the U.N. by a Council on World Development and Disarmament, connected with the U.N., but able to exercise an effective control as the U.N. scarcely can under its present charter.

I say this as a strong supporter of the U.N. although I always was a critic of its peacekeeping machinery. It was poor statesmanship that led the question of assessments of unwilling nations to reach its present serious point. One can imagine the protest from the U.S. Senate if an assembly in which the tiniest nation has the same vote as the United States should levy an assessment for a socalled peacekeeping operation in which we did not believe.

3. Disengagement. There is small likelihood that passion, accident, or design would lead to a frontal attack by one nation, strongly armed with thermonuclear weapons against another, so armed, but there is great danger under our confused system of alliances that small wars will escalate into thermonuclear wars. It is a fantastic optimism to believe that nations which have spent so much time, ingenuity, and money on weapons of absolute destruction would never use them in any war of any magnitude which might arise. There is a case for police power in an anarchic world but it must be left in the hands of an international agency truly representing all the nations, yes, that means China, too, on the face of the earth.

The present most serious danger to peace is precisely such enterprises as the American intervention in the Vietnamese civil war and now in the Dominican Republic. We have neither the wisdom nor the strength to play policeman in other people's wars, especially since there is a growing sentiment in the world that the United States is heir to the white imperialism of the past and acts only from the passion for power and profit which has always characterized imperialism. The fact that this is not altogether a fair interpretation of American motives does not affect the importance of this idea in world affairs. Moreover, there is nothing in history or human psychology to make us believe that we shall indefinitely play, at very considerable cost, a role of benevolent policemen without seeking the kind of compensation which the older imperalisms sought.

All the tangle of alliances bequeathed to us by former administrations, including NATO, need close reexamination. Why, for instance, do we have to keep troops in prosperous Western Europe, beyond, perhaps, a token force in West Berlin? Are not most of our bases more of a liability than an asset in world opinion and a drain on our resources at a time when balance of payment is a serious issue in our economy?

I do not suppose that the committee which I am addressing is especially concerned with the immediate problem in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic, but I should observe that it is rather ridiculous to believe that we shall make any further progress in disarmament or even in discussion of it, while we send more

and more troops halfway around the world to intervene in a civil war which only by the most fantastic stretch of imagination can be said to affect our national security.

I have urged elsewhere and often that the President himself should initiate a call for a cease-fire in Vietnam and that his unconditional negotiation should specifically involve the presence at the council chamber of representatives of the National Liberation Front which controls large territory in South Vietnam. Of course it must include the real China, not Chiang, who represents nothing but the 7th American Fleet, and North Vietnam. There are reasons in the division between Russia and China, in the ancient dislike of Vietnamese for China, and the desire of the people for peace, to believe that negotiations could succeed and bring about neutralization. The fate of Vietnam must in the end be determined by the Vietnamese themselves, and if they should elect to have a kind of southeast Asian Yugoslavia, it would be far better than this brutal and immoral war which because it is a war will not and cannot be continued without steady escalation.

In the Dominican Republic, the administration by its own present admission by no means conducted a mere relief expedition for Americans. The fewer were the Americans in Santo Domingo, the more troops our administration sent. In the Dominican Republic, in every respect we emulated Russia in Hungary at the time of the Hungarian revolt. We intervened contrary to treaty agreements to prevent a possible Communist takeover of what was a popular rising intended to restore Juan Bosch, the democratically elected president of the country, to power. Russia intervened contrary to the U.N. Charter, Khrushchev said, to prevent a takeover of the Hungarian revolt by Fascists and Nazis, and certainly one could find proportionately as many Fascists and Nazis in Hungary as Communists in the Dominican Republic. Our intervention has not even been neutral but has definitely aided a military group which many observers believe was on the point of surrender until they got our aid.

I am not challenging President Johnson's motives in either Vietnam or Dominican Republic, although in the latter nation there are unquestionably American economic interests which would like us to follow our old course of protecting any dictatorship which would recognize American economic interests. Whatever the motives, in a world where I am skeptical of absolutes, the rule must be that it is not the business of the United States to play policeman in other people's wars. In the long run even here in America, and certainly abroad, we are doing an immense service to communism by the course we are following. (I speak with first-hand knowledge of a great many American campuses.)

4. The fourth prerequisite for peace is intelligent and imaginative American participation in a war against poverty, illiteracy, and disease. That war against disease which has been nature's way of balancing populations has been turning to man's advantage, thanks to the humanity and skill which tend to glorify us human beings. Now it is absolutely necessary that the United States, throughout the world, should actively aid an intelligent control of the birth rate. There is no greater aid to the future that our country can give. Without it, it will be almost impossible for industrial progress to do much to better conditions for the masses.

We may get a kind of uneasy peace of coexistence in a world where twothirds of the people live on the borderline of hunger and starvation. We shall have no real peace. Hence the need of a cooperative attack on poverty, not only in the United States, but throughout the world. The nation which has to its credit the Marshall plan must take leadership in this fight, but the struggle to be genuinely effecive must be cooperative, and can be better carried on through the agencies of the U.N. than of any single nation once the U.N. itself has won its proper place. Economic and military aid from the United States should be sharply separated, and military aid should be very exceptional. Disarmament is essential in the struggle against poverty since production of weapons that we pray God we shall never have to use satisfies no ordinary consumer needs and creates far fewer jobs than the construction of homes, hospitals, and schools.

Peace, I believe, will be furthered by the freer trade for which, in part at least, the Johnson administration stands. I think it might be furthered in this hemisphere by steps toward a common market and by putting some floor under prices for the raw materials on the export of which our Latin American neighbors so largely depend.

This is a brief summary of what I think are the roads (not the road) to peace. It is governmental foreign policy which primarily determines the is sue of peace and war. But a policy fit for peace must win a degree of popular support for a fraternity of races and nations than now exist. And this should be the concern of schools, and churches, and individual citizens as well as the Government in Washington.

Members of the National Citizens' Commission for International Cooperation, as of March 4, include:

Frank Altschul
Joseph A. Amter

Mrs. Emily Otis Barnes

Dr. Stanhope Bayne-Jones
George A. Beebe
Lloyd V. Berkner
Leonard Bernstein
Eugene R. Black
Jacob Blaustein
Don G. Brennan
Detlev W. Bronk
William G. Carr
James B. Casey
Joseph V. Charyk
Lucius D. Clay
Rufus E. Clement
Benjamin V. Cohen

Rev. Edward A. Conway, S.J.
C. W. Cook

Harold Jefferson Coolidge
Norman Cousins

Oscar Cox

John Crichton

Howard S. Cullman

Donald K. David

Oscar A. de Lima
John S. Dickey

Rev. John J. Dougherty
Peter F. Drucker
Milton S. Eisenhower
Erik J. Eriksen
Luther H. Evans

Dr. Dana L. Farnsworth

John Fischer
Joseph L. Fisher
Charles Frankel

John W. Gardner

Harold S. Geneen
Roswell L. Gilpatric
Eli Ginzberg

Leonard H. Goldenson
James H. Gross
J. Peter Grace
Edward Gudeman
Werner P. Gullander
William W. Hagerty
Patrick Healy
Rev. John E. Hines
James N. Hyde
Frank N. Ikard
William B. Johnson
Joseph F. Johnston
Marian Anderson
Harry S. Ashmore
Dr. George P. Baker

Roger Baldwin
Joseph A. Beirne

Barry Bingham
Bruno V. Bitker
Marvin Bower
Harvie Branscomb
Dr. Harrison Brown
Robert M. Brunson
Dr. Leroy E. Burney
Cass Canfield
Erwin D. Canham
James B. Carey

Walter F. Carey

Dr. Jule G. Charney
Abram J. Chayes

Dr. W. Montague Cobb
David L. Cole

Gen. James F. Collins

Dr. Andrew W. Cordier
Gardner Cowles

Dr. Philip G. Davidson
Arthur H. Dean
Jose de Cubas

Frederick M. Eaton
Joseph A. Fallon

Dr. John H. Fischer
Prof. Roger Fisher
Irvin M. Frankel

Dr. John Hope Franklin
William Friday

Mrs. Katharine Graham`
Ernest A. Gross

Luther Gulick

Joyce C. Hall

Dr. Thomas H. Hamilton

George M. Harrison

Caryl P. Haskins

Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh

Rabbi Philip Hiat

Mrs. Oveta Culp Hobby

Mrs. Anna Rosenberg Hoffman

Dr. George W. Hoffman
Clifford R. Hope
Palmer Hoyt

Dr. Eldon L. Johnson
H. F. Johnson
Joseph E. Johnson
Frederick R. Kappel
Dr. Robert Kay

Dr. George B. Kistiakowsky
Harry W. Knight

Dr. Joseph B. Koepfli

Dr. Arthur Larson
James Laughlin
Ralph Lazarus

Dr. Charles LeMaistre

· David E. Lilienthal

Murray D. Lincoln

James A. Linen

Members of the National Citizens' Commission for International Cooperation, as of March 4, included—Continued

Sol M. Linowitz

George C. Lodge
John L. Loeb

S. M. McAshan, Jr.
James S. McDonnell
A. N. McFarlane
Thomas F. Malone

Herbert R. Mayes
George Meany
John M. Mitchell
Maurice B. Mitchell
Hugh Moore

Mrs. Maurice T. Moore

Bishop Reuben H. Mueller
Waldemar A. Nielsen
Eugene S. Northrop
Frederick D. Patterson
James G. Patton
Dr. James A. Perkins
Mrs. Dorothy B. Porter
W. Francis Pressly
Theodore S. Repplier
Walter P. Reuther
Rev. James H. Robinson
William Ruder

Stanley M. Rumbough, Jr.
Irving Salomon

Judge Edith S. Sampson
Marlin E. Sandlin

Mrs. Mabel M. Smythe

H. Christian Sonne
Dr. Aaron Stern

Isaac M. Stewart

Arthur Hays Sulzberger

Mrs. Arthur Ochs Sulzberger

H. J. Szold

Mrs. Gladys A. Tillett

Dr. Herman B. Wells
John H. Wheeler

John F. White

Dr. Jerome B. Wiesner
Frazar B. Wilde
Mrs. Joseph Willen
Geraldine P. Woods
Dr. Edwin P. Jordan
Joseph Kaplan
Milton Katz
David M. Kennedy
George L. Killion
Philip M. Klutznick
Alfred A. Knopf, Sr.
Antonie T. Knoppers
Arthur B. Krim
York E. Langton
Sigurd S. Larmon
Mrs. Albert D. Lasker
Peter I. B. Lavan
Henry Cabot Lodge
Mrs. Oswald B. Lord
Dr. Walsh McDermott
Neil McElroy

PB-39733-SB 506-16


Robert J. Manning

Stanley Marcus
Kenneth L. Maxwell

Stacy May

Margaret Mead

Mrs. Roy Menninger

Forrest D. Murden, Jr.

Raymond D. Nasher
Robert R. Nathan
Samuel I. Newhouse
Herschel D. Newsom
Earl D. Osborn
Fairfield Osborn
William S. Paley
Frederic Papert
Mrs. Harvey Picker
Clarence E. Pickett
William B. Quarton
Maxwell M. Rabb
Isidor I. Rabi
Charles S. Rhyne
Thomas Robertson
David Rockefeller
Ragnar Rollefson
Axel G. Rosin
Eugene V. Rostow

Mrs. Madeleine H. Russell
David Sarnoff
Dore Schary

Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.
Donald A. Schmechel
Mrs. James Schramm
Thomas K. Sherwood
Raphael D. Silver
Joseph R. Smiley
Louis B. Sohn

Charles M. Spofford
Robert C. Sprague

Frank Stanton

Harold E. Stassen

Herman W. Steinkraus

M. H. Sterne

William P. Steven
Hazel K. Stiebeling
Jack I. Straus
Anna Lord Strauss
Mrs. Robert J. Stuart
Jesse W. Tapp
Robert H. Thayer
J. Cameron Thomson
Douglas F. Tilden
Juan T. Trippe

Vincent T. Wasilewski
Thomas J. Watson, Jr.

Walter H. Wheeler, Jr.

Lawrence A. Wien
Francis O. Wilcox
Charles F. Willis, Jr.

Logan Wilson
Conrad L. Wirth
Douglas C. Wynn

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