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their reading-matter will be made more expensive.
I think both these objections could be met.
I should say that your influence should be
brought to bear, not so much directly upon
members of Congress, as upon the constituent
bodies from which they come. The ordinary
member of Congress appreciates at once the
great principle that every man is entitled to
the productions of his own brain or hand. He
recognizes the justice of the claim that the author
makes, that he should have the benefit of the pro-
duction of his genius; and if there was nothing
else, and there was time to get this bill before
Congress, you would find a cordial and ready re-
sponse to the passage of your bill. But when you
have said that to the member of Congress from
Maine, Iowa, Massachusetts, he says: 'Yes, I
am in favor of such a bill,' and there comes along
somebody from his constituency who says: "You
must not vote for that bill; it is going to injure
a large interest among your constituents at home:
it is going to deprive paper manufacturers,
printers, of employment which they have had; or,
it is going to make expensive the literature of the
people.' Instinctively he turns to such an ap-
peal as that.

"Therefore I say that I think a wise thing has been done in Massachusetts in forming a club of this kind. If you can work up this sentiment in New York, and San Francisco, and Chicago, and in the growing, progressive cities of the South; if you can establish there something of the same sentiment that exists among you, you will do your best work in facilitating the passage of an act by Congress. We accuse Congress of being indifferent. The reason why bills do not pass is, not because Congress is lazy, but because there is a great conflict of interest; you cannot pass them because a majority of the people don't agree with you. I think it will be just so with such a bill as this. The sentiment in favor of the measure must be created, and that won't be enough unless you meet and educate the special interests which will oppose it. Therefore, if you can get any sort of a bill recognizing the principle you have at stake, I advise you to assent heartily and cordially to its enactment, and the matter will not fall to the ground."

At this stage of the proceedings the Committee on Organization entered and submitted its report. The following is the text of the Constitution and By-Laws :

INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT ASSOCIATION.

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.-NAME.

by paying the initiation fee of one dollar and subscribing to the constitution.

Sec. 3.-Honorary members may be elected on the recommendation of the Executive Committee, by a two-thirds vote of the members present and voting at any meeting of the Association, and they shall have all the privileges of membership, and be exempt from the payments of any fees or

assessments.

ARTICLE IV.-OFFICERS.

sist of a President, three Vice-Presidents, a SecreThe government of the Association shall contary, Assistant Secretary, Treasurer, and five Directors who shall constitute the Executive Committee, and five persons shall constitute a quorum of the committee.

ARTICLE V.-ELECTIONS.

The officers shall be elected at the Annual

Meeting in December, and hold their office until their successors are elected and qualified.

ARTICLE VI.-VACANCIES.

affairs of the Association, and shall fill all vacanThe Executive Committee shall manage all the cies occurring between the annual elections of its

members.

ARTICLE VII.--AMENDMENT.

The Constitution may by amended by a twothirds vote of all members present and voting at any business meeting of the Association, duly called.

ARTICLE VIII.-NOMINATIONS.

At the meeting of the Executive Committee next preceding the Annual Meeting, a committee of three shall be appointed to audit the Treasurer's accounts, and another committee of five, a majority of whom shall not be members of the Executive Committee, to nominate officers for the ensuing year, and report the same at the Annual Meeting.

ARTICLE IX.--REPORTS.

At the Annual Meeting of the Executive Committee shall submit a written report of the condition and proceedings of the Association during the previous year, with such facts and suggestions as they may think it expedient to lay before the Association.

Mr. Soule then said: "If this Constitution should be adopted by the meeting, your committee would suggest the following list of officers, and in announcing the names I am requested to ask that those members who may be selected at this meeting will accept, even if they think they will not

This organization shall be called the Interna- be able permanently to fill the positions. tional Copyright Association.

ARTICLE II.-OBJECT.

The object of this Association shall be to " 'promote the progress of science and useful arts" by securing to authors, both American and foreign, "the exclusive right to their writings," by means of international copyright laws or treatise.

ARTICLE III.-MEMBERSHIP. Section 1.-Any person who is interested in the subject, and willing to aid in creating a public sentiment in favor of legislation upon it, is eligible to membership.

Sec. 2.-All applications for membership shall be referred to the Executive Committee, and any person whom they elect may become a member

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resignation may be handed in at the close of this meeting." Mr. Soule then read the following list of officers: President, Chas. W. Eliot; VicePresident, John Lowell, Francis Parkman, Henry O. Houghton; Treasurer, Thos. B. Aldrich; Secretary, Dana Estes; Asst. Secretary, Warren F. Kellogg; Directors, Alex H. Rich, John F. Andrew, Robt. R. Bishop, E. H. Clement, John D. Long, Benj. H. Ticknor; and Committee on Organization, Charles C. Soule, Thomas Niles, John Wilson.

The officers were elected by acclamation, and President Eliot took the chair, saying: "I will

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men.

Rev. E. E. Hale then said: "In the consideration of such a measure, the fundamental difficulty is in the differences of the theories of different It might well be that every author might have a view somewhat different from every other of what the origin of literary property is, and how far it goes. For my own part, I am very much dissatisfied with the copyright laws of this country as they exist; and if we were merely considering our relations to foreign authors, I should have the same hesitation as to inviting one of them to the feast which is prepared for us as a man who lives in a bad hotel has when he meets a stranger from abroad as to asking him home to dine with him. Let us make up our minds from the beginning that we cannot probably achieve a perfect art, and that we will attempt the best we

can.

As we are among friends, I am tempted to say that it seems to me unfortunate that from the beginning this matter has been crowded upon us from the other side in a very indecent manner. We were told that we were pirates here, and that we should come forward and do an act of justice, which we had refused to do, to the people of the small island on the other side of the Atlantic. I have been reading with a great deal of interest Lord Shelburne's plans for making a confederation of England and the United States. Supposing England and the United States are a confederation, it was proposed by Lord Shelburne to have one law for England and the United States. Suppose that plan had been adopted. There are only thirty million people in England, and there are sixty million in the United States. Certainly the sixty million people would be apt to determine in such a confederation what the law would be. I do not think it becomes the thirty million people to abuse the sixty million people any more than it becomes the sixty million to abuse the thirty million. I have received very decent recompenses on this side of the water for the little books which I have published. In England the circulation of some of my books has been twice as large, or even more than that, than they have ever received on this side of the ocean. Still I have never received from England-from people who called themselves my publishers, or from those who did not-one half-penny. On the other hand, as an editor, I have sent hundreds of dollars, not to say thousands of dollars, to English authors for their work which has been used here. I do not think, then, that it becomes the writers of England to talk about American piracies; and I could wish that that point of view should be dropped in the present discussion. "Let us, indeed, not speak of this as an international matter. Let us speak of the eternal truths. Let us base our law on the eternal truth as far as we can. As events have gone, the market for books is larger in America than it is in England. The policy of the people of this country has been the higher education of all the people. That is

not the policy of the people of Great Britain. The result of this American policy is, if I may take an illustration with which I am specially familiar, that such a State as Massachusetts, with 1,900,000 people, pays very nearly as much money for the education of its people as England pays dollars for each child. England pays rather less for the edueation of 26,000,000. We pay twenty than one pound for the education of each child. I believe we pay, in money, 62 per cent. of what England pays for this purpose.

"Other States make similar expenditures. The consequence is that our people have been educated up to a higher taste in reading than the average people of England. Thus the Encyclopædia Britannica' sells more largely, I am told, in America than it does in England. Now, I say the country which furnishes that market is, on the whole, the country which will make the regulations for the editions and for the trade. I do not think that it is wise to urge the reform in this country as a matter demanded by a rather insignificant body of readers, who furnish but a very small part, in proportion, of the book market of English-speaking men.

"Let us, on the other hand, press this reform we are carrying out as representing the conscience and the honor of English-speaking people. We do not do it because we have been bidden to do. so by a few publishers in London. We have failed in the past because we have had messages sent over from the other side that we ought to do this, that, and the other thing,' what they, in my experience, have never taken any pains to do there.

"But I have no wish to bring up the question of who has done most wrong. The difficulty is in the very great inefficiency of every copyright law which now exists, and in the fact that none of them are based upon right and eternal considerations. If we can educate the people to the idea that the uplifting of the human race is the noblest enterprise that is given to man, that authorship is part of the great ministry in which every man is trying to make the world better, and to bring in the Kingdom of God, I believe the American people are eager and desirous to do that thing in the best way.

"As to the two difficulties which have been hinted at, they are really nothing. There is no person in this country so poor but that he will pay eleven cents for a copy of Jane Eyre' as easily as ten. There is no reason why the reform should press upon the mechanic or other workmen employed.

"I think if we act together as much as possible this time we are quite sure of success. Men of business who are accustomed to succeed have taken the matter in hand, and it is now a matter of business, and no longer a matter of 'gush,' as Mr. Platt said. As the author of that epigram he ought to be proud. I hope now that we shal take hold of it as a matter of business."

President Eliot then called upon Mr. Houghton to say a few words, to which Mr. Houghton responded as follows:

"Mr. Chairman, I quite agree with Mr. Hale as to what is necessary to be done. An important thing is to create a correct public sentiment. I was coming out of the Capitol a week or two ago with a member of Congress-we fell together on the steps-we came together-we were strangers

and we got talking about international copyright. He was a member of Congress from

Illinois; he thought the people of his State were opposed to international copyright because it would make books higher. I tried to convince him that the opposite would be the effect; that competition always made books and everything else cheaper than any other method; and, for the same reason, the fact that cotton cloth is sold here so much lower than years ago is because there is so much more made; and the effect would be to stimulate authorship, and there would be a great many more books published. There is no stimulus for an author. You know that, within our recollection, authors, the most celebrated to-day, not only had to write their own books, but had to pay for printing them, and they were sent out through the country on sale. | We are beyond that now, and if there is a stimulus added, we shall have plenty of books and authors; and that stimulus must be added, and is being furnished to a very large extent by our public schools. The appetite for books does not increase in a superficial ratio, but in a geometrical ratio. We see how art has flourished here in the

past few years. We can remember when cheap chromos adorned our walls; but they have all disappeared, and pictures of a higher order have taken their place. The fact is that when an American sees anything better than he had before, he will have that. I have never been troubled with the multitude of cheap books. People who buy a cheap book will throw it away soon, and come and buy the better book we publish, and they will keep it. In proportion as cheap literature had flourished, so had the better-made class of literature flourished. There will be no trouble about a market in this country.

"There is another consideration-we are not called upon to legislate for England, Germany, and France. We want the best minds of England, France, and Germany to come here and publish their books; and that tendency is coming about because we have a greater mass of readers. We are publishing an important historical work, and we have sold an edition to the English market, and the book is to be manufactured and published here first. Why do we get such men as Agassiz to come here? It is because we have a greater field here for their genius. The London publisher wants to get out his elegant edition for the English market, and then wants to get a cheap edition for this country. He wants us to take the remnants, and he does not want his books to come here until after they have had their market in England; but, if you want to publish an American book in England, you must publish it there first. Now, legislating for our own country, my own feeling is that we should give a Copyright to anybody, whether he be Hottentot, Jew, Englishman, Frenchman, German, or whatever he may be, provided he will first publish that book in this country. It is our duty to protect our own authors. If they do that, we can still allow them to have a copyright here; and they will come here because we have the greatest market in the world. I don't care a fig for any mechanical protection. I am willing to compete with any of them, but I want the freshest and newest books published here first, because we have the greatest and best market; and we have gone so far in that direction that there can be no limits put upon it. No man can say 'Thus far and no farther,' because the public education has settled that matter already.

"There are two practicable objections to an international copyright, and I think this League and every other League should apply themselves,

as has been suggested by the honorable member of Congress here, to create a proper public sentiment on that ground. One is, the country newspapers think they will have nobody's field to poach from, under international copyright. They need not be afraid. There will be plenty of people willing to give their productions for nothing. We want to talk to these people, to influence them to believe that they should help their country and the cause of morality. The other question is, the matter of dear books. Now, you cannot have dear books in this country if you try. We are going to make all books cheaper than they are. The greater the demand, the cheaper they will be; and if we have international copyright, competition and the demand for books will settle that question. Therefore, as practical men, let us try and convince the country newspaper man to get rid of his fallacy, and try to get the public to understand that if it wants good books and cheap books it must go in for international copyright." (Applause.)

Upon the conclusion of Mr. Houghton's remarks President Eliot said: "We have been told we want less gush and more law, and I will call upon Mr. R. H. Dana for a few words."

Mr. Dana replied as follows: "The only thing that struck me that I would like to speak about is this, that one often finds that a public sentiment has been created before it has been brought to bear at all upon the Congressmen ; and nothing shows that more, I think, than experience in such things as civil-service reform and tariff reform. There are lots of people who believe that the tariff ought to be reduced, but they were so afraid of being called free-traders that they never met together. At last some one suggests to call a meeting, and they find that lots of people believe in it. Congress does not feel the influence of scattered people, who don't express their opinion; but, if they have an organization which meets together, that has a great deal more power, and, therefore, it will be well worth while to have a corresponding secretary to start organizations in various cities in the country, and soon you will find that there has been so much talk about it in the newspapers, that numbers of people will flock together to form organizations, and you will do much better than you can at desultory work."

The meeting was then declared adjourned. The number of approvals of the organization, at and since the meeting, were considerable.

HENRY JAMES ON INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.

From the Critic, December 10.

THE bright American mind does not want exceptional terms, or humiliating bargains, or babytreatment, or pilfered pleasures of any kind, and it has a total disbelief in any privileges of which the source is not pure. It owes too much to books-which are the blessings of life-not to open its heart to the whole body of our English utterance, not to feel that we have all inherited together the magnificent library of our race, not to detest the idea of refusing the tax that will keep up the institution. I am comparatively of your opinion that we will read better, and write better, and think better, and feel better, as we say, when the air is clearer, and that the air will be clearer only when justice is done.

ADDRESS OF THE PUBLISHERS' COPYRIGHT LEAGUE

To American Bookbuyers and Booksellers. A Plea for International Copyright on behalf of the best interests of the Writers, Readers, Makers, and Sellers of Books:

THE AMERICAN PUBLISHERS' COPYRIGHT LEAGUE, į OFFICE OF SECRETARY, 27 & 29 W. 23D ST., N. Y. THE American Publishers' Copyright League ask for the coöperation of all who deal in books, and of all who read books in obtaining an international copyright law.

International copyright is required—

First. For the purpose of relieving American authors from the competition of the unpaid work of foreign writers, and thus of promoting the production of American books, and of furthering the wholesome development of American literature.

Second. In order to secure for foreign authors whose works render service to American readers, and (under reciprocity arrangements) for American authors, whose writings are coming into increasing demand abroad, the return for their labors which is justly their due, and which should in equity be proportionate to the number of the readers deriving benefit from these labors.

Third. For the sake of American readers, who are direct losers through the hindrances to the development of their national literature, are debarred from the advantages of American editions of many English and foreign works of importance, which, without an assured market to the publishers, cannot be reprinted at all, and are further debarred from the advantages of many international undertakings in standard and popular literature and in higher education, which undertakings can be entered upon only under inter. national arrangements and secure markets.

American buyers of books can be assured that under an international copyright which will enable the prime outlay to be divided among several markets, many important books will not be dearer but cheaper than at present, and that the publishers can be depended upon, on the ground of their own business interests, to provide for American readers the low-priced editions which are suited to the special requirements of this country. Fourth. For the purpose of placing the American book-trade, the selling agent of authorship, on a more satisfactory and remunerative basis. The business of American booksellers is being seriously undermined by the decrease in the sale of good books in shape for permanent preservation, and by the obstacles in the production of American literature. With smaller profits and diminished resources, the booksellers are each year becoming less instead of more effective in the all-important service of maintaining in their several communities centres of literary in

formation and distribution.

Fifth.-On the broad ground of justice and wise national policy.

We appeal, therefore, to all members of the book-trade and to all readers of books, to coöperate in the efforts now being made to secure from Congress an International Copyright Law. We invite them to associate themselves with one or the other of the Copyright Leagues, and we urge them also to write in behalf of the measure to their respective Senators and Representatives.

We ask, further, that they will aid in securing signatures to the memorials in behalf of international copyright which will shortly be placed in the book-stores for the purpose, and that they will do what may be in their power to develop and to bring to bear an enlightened public opinion on the subject.

WILLIAM H. APPLETON, Pres.,
GEO. HAVEN PUTNAM, Sec.,
CHARLES SCRIBNER, Treas.,
JOSEPH W. HARPER,
HENRY O. HOUGHTON,
CRAIGE LIPPINCOTT,
A. D. F. RANDOLPH.
DANA ESTES,

Executive Committee.

INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT AND
CHEAP BOOKS.

Condensed from the Boston Post.

IT has not yet been shown that books would be dearer in America if the works of the living English authors were bought instead of stolen. It is not necessary to accept the statement that "high-priced books and "monopoly control" are any part of the English system. Other English books than novels are on the whole cheaper than our own. There are "libraries" in paper from threepence up to a shilling. There are a great many series of modern novels-some of them only a year or two published-excellently printed and substantially bound in boards, which sell at eighteen pence, or thirty-five cents, and are far superior in every way to the cheap editions published here. There are a number of series of cloth-bound books of a more solid character (some of which fairly deserve to be called exquisite) which are sold at prices from nine pence, No or eighteen cents, to twice that amount. such books have ever been published in this country, to our knowledge, at a price under half a dollar. Of course these low prices are partly due to the cheaper cost of production in England; but this could fairly be rated as only about one-third less than the cost here. Thus one of Routledge's ninepence or shilling books ought to be sold in America, if manufactured here, at thirty or forty cents. Of the superiority in paper, print, and binding of these cheap English books to ours there is no question. In medium-priced books there is less to choose. Mr. Black's novels, for instance, can be bought in single cloth volumes in England for four shillings and sixpence and seller's, not the publisher's, which are 25 per cent. here for a dollar; these prices being the bookhigher in both cases. Other instances equally applicable might be quoted. But we have said enough, we think, to dispose of the "cheap vice with those unacquainted with the real facts books" argument which does such yeoman's ser

in the case.

MARK TWAIN ON COPYRIGHT.

From the Century, February, 1886.

No one denies the foreign author's simple moral right to property in the product of his brain; so we may waive that feature and look at non-existent international copyright from a combined business and statesmanship point of view, and consider whether the nation gains or loses by the present condition of the thing.

As for the business aspect, a great argument of politicians is that our people get foreign books at a cheap rate. Most unfortunately for the country, that is true: we do get cheap alien books--and not of one kind only. We get all kinds-and they are distributed and devoured by the nation strictly in these proportions: an ounce of wholesome liter

ature to a hundred tons of noxious.

The ounce

represents the little editions of the foreign masters in science, art, history, and philosophy required and consumed by our people; the hundred tons represent the vast editions of foreign novels consumed here--including the welcome semi-annual inundation from Zola's sewer.

Is this an advantage to us? It certainly is, if poison is an advantage to a person; or, if to teach one thing at the hearthstone, the political hustings, and in a nation's press, and teach the opposite in the books the nation reads is profitable; or, in in other words, if to hold up a national standard for admiration and emulation half of each day, and a foreign standard the other half, is profitable. The most effective way to train an impressible young mind and establish for all time its standards of fine and vulgar, right and wrong, and good and bad, is through the imagination; and the most insidious manipulator of the imagination is the felicitously written romance. The statistics of any public library will show that of every hundred books read by our people, about seventy are novels and nine-tenths of them foreign ones. They fill the imagination with an unhealthy fascination for foreign life, with its dukes and earls and kings, its fuss and feathers, its graceful immoralities, its sugar-coated injustices and oppressions; and this fascination breeds a more or less pronounced dissatisfaction with our country and form of government, and contempt for our republican commonplaces and simplicities; it also breeds longings for something "better," which presently crop out in diseased shams and imitations of that ideal foreign life. Hence the "dude." Thus we have this curious spectacle: American statesmen glorifying American nationality, teaching it, preaching it, urging it, building it up-with their mouths; and undermining it and pulling it down with their acts. This is to employ an Indian nurse to suckle your child, and expect it not to drink in the Indian nature with the milk. It is to go Christian-missionarying with infidel tracts in your hands. Our average young person reads scarcely anything but novels; the citizenship and morals and predilections of the rising generation of America are largely under training by foreign teachers. This condition of things is what the American statesmen thinks it wise to protect and preserve-by refusing international copyright, which would bring the national teacher to the front and push the foreign teacher to the rear. We do get cheap books through the absence of international copyright and any who will consider the matter thoughtfully will arrive at the conclusion that these cheap books are the costliest purchase that ever a nation made. MARK TWAIN.

WILL COPYRIGHT REFORM RAISE THE PRICE OF BOOKS?

Brander Matthews in the Century for December, 1887. It is one of the assumptions of those who oppose international copyright, either ignorantly or wilfully, that this reform will raise the price of books in the United States. We are all agreed that the American people must have cheap books, yet the ordinary answer to this plausible assertion is modelled on Mr. Lowell's memorable saying that "there is one thing better than a cheap book, and that is a book honestly come by." I think it is possible to make a broader answer than this by boldly denying the assumption. The passing of the bill proposed by the American Copyright League will not raise the price of any class of books in the United States, with one possible exception. To this exception I will return shortly: in the meanwhile I wish to repeat my assertion, that books will not be any dearer in America after we have passed the copyright bill than they are now. The absence of International Copyright makes books cheaper here only in so far as American publishers are willing to take foreign books without paying for them. present condition and annual statistics of the American book-trade will show that the legal right to pirate is not now utilized by most American publishers, and that those who are still privateers seek their booty chiefly, if not solely, among books of one exceptional class.

A consideration of the

PUBLISHERS' WEEKLY, the following table has been From the figures published annually in THE prepared to show the different kinds of books published in the United States during the past five years. (The classification is not quite that of the WEEKLY, but has been modified slightly by condensation.)

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Taking up these classes in turn, we shall see what will be the effect on each of the passage of the bill of the American Copyright League. On the first class, education and language, there would be no effect at all, as the text-books now used in American schools were written by Americans and are covered by copyright: it is hardly an exaggeration to say that the American schoolboy never sees a book of foreign authorship in school-hours; I know that I never did until after I had entered college, and then very infrequently. Fortunately for the future of our country, young Americans are brought up on American books. The foundation of American education is the native Webster's Spelling-book. In some respects the making of school-books is the most important branch of the publishing business, and the passage of the copyright bill would not influence it in

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