[War. Prussia and France.] To-day, when the disunion she knew not how strong she was. bands of intellectual and just unity, which the Wars of freedom began to draw together, binds the German Races indeed closer, and therefore more intimately: to-day, when the Armaments of Germany no longer leave an opening to the Enemy, Germany possesses in herself the will and the power to repulse renewed acts of French violence. This language is dictated by no boasting spirit, the Confederate Governments and myself act in the full assurance that victory and defeat rest with the Ruler of Battles. We have weighed with a steadfast gaze the responsibility which awaits, before the Judgment Seat of God and of man, him who forces two great and Peace-loving peoples in the heart of Europe into a devastating War. The German, as well as the French people, both of them equally enjoying and desiring the blessings of Christian civilisation and increasing prosperity, should be destined to a more holy contest than the bloody one of arms. Yet the Governing Power of France have known how to work on the well-balanced but susceptible feelings of our great neighbouring people by calculated misrepresentation for Personal Interests and Passions. The more Confederated Governments have felt that they have done all which honour and dignity permit to maintain for Europe the blessings of Peace; and the clearer it appears to all eyes that the Sword has been forced into our hand, with greater confidence we turn, supported by the unanimous will of the German Government of the South, as well as of the North, to the love of the Fatherland and willingness for sacrifice of the German people to the summons to protect her Honour and Independence. We will, after the examples of our Father, do battle for our Freedom and our Right against the violence of a Foreign Conqueror; and in this struggle, in which we have no good but the attainment of lasting Peace for Europe, God will be with us as He was with our Fathers. [The British Government proclaimed its Neutrality in this War on the 19th July, 1870. See also note p. 1883.] [War. France and Prussia.] No. 425.-DECLARATION made to the French Senate and to the Corps Législatif, announcing the existence of a State of War between France and Prussia. Paris, 20th July, 1870. (Translation as laid before Parliament.) MESSIEURS,-The statement made to you at the sitting of the 15th* has made known to the Senate and the Corps Législatif the just causes of the War against Prussia. According to usage and by order of the Emperor, I have invited the Chargé d'Affaires of France to notify to the Cabinet of Berlin our resolution to seek by Arms the guarantees we have failed in obtaining by discussion. This step has been taken, and I have the honour to announce to the Senate and the Corps Législatif that in consequence a state of War exists from the 19th July between France and Prussia. This Declaration applies equally to the Allies of Prussia who may afford her armed assistance against us. [The Neutral European Powers (Great Britain, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Russia, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey) agreed among themselves that they would not depart from their Neutrality during the War without having previously communicated their ideas to each other.] * Speech delivered by the Duc de Gramont to the Senate, and by M. Ollivier to the Corps Législatif, respecting the differences with Prussia. [War. France and Prussia.] No. 426.-PROCLAMATION of the Emperor to the French People, relative to the War with Prussia. Paris, 22nd July, 1870. Frenchmen, (Translation as laid before Parliament.) THERE are solemn moments in the life of peoples, when the national sense of honour, violently excited, imposes itself with irresistible force, dominates all interests, and alone takes in hand the direction of the destinies of the country. One of these decisive hours has sounded for France. Prussia, towards whom both during and since the War of 1866 we have shown the most conciliatory disposition, has taken no account of our good wishes and our enduring forbearance. Launched on the path of invasion, she has provoked mistrust everywhere, necessitated exaggerated armaments, and has turned Europe into a camp, where reigns nothing but uncertainty and fear of the morrow. A last incident has come to show the instability of international relations, and to prove the gravity of the situation. In presence of the new pretensions of Prussia we made known our protests. They were evaded, and were followed on the part of Prussia by contemptuous acts. Our country resented this treatment with profound irritation, and immediately a cry for War resounded from one end of France to the other. It only remains to us to leave our destinies to the decision of arms. We do not make War on Germany, whose independence we respect. We wish that the peoples who compose the great German nationality may freely dispose of their destinies. For ourselves, we demand the establishment of a state of affairs which shall guarantee our security and assure our future. We wish to conquer a lasting Peace, based on the true interests of peoples, and to put an end to that precarious state in which all nations employ their resources to arm themselves one against the other. The glorious Flag which we once more unfurl before those who have provoked us is the same which bore throughout Europe [War. France and Prussia.] the civilising ideas of our great Revolution. It represents the same principles and will inspire the same devotion. Frenchmen, I am about to place myself at the head of that valiant Army which is animated by love of duty and of Country. It knows its own worth, since it has seen how victory has accompanied its march in the four quarters of the world. I take with me my Son, despite his youth. He knows what are the duties which his name imposes upon him, and he is proud to bear his share in the dangers of those who fight for their · Country. May God bless our efforts! A great people which defends a just cause is invincible. NAPOLEON. [The Allies of Prussia in this War were Baden, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg. See Note, page 1828.] [Neutrality of Belgium.] No. 427.-TREATY between Great Britain and Prussia, relative to the Independence and Neutrality of Belgium. Signed at London, 9th August, 1870.* Preamble. Reference to Treaties of 19th April, 1839. 1. Co-operation of Great Britain with Prussia in case of violation of Neutrality of Belgium by France. Great Britain not engaged to take part in War between North German Confederation and France, except as regards violation of Belgian Neutrality. 2. Co-operation of Prussia with Great Britain in case of violation of Neutrality of Belgium by France. 3. Treaty to be binding until conclusion of a Treaty of Peace between France and Prussia. 4. Ratifications. (English Version.) Reference to Treaties of 19th April, 1839. HER Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of Prussia, being desirous at the present time of recording in a solemn Act their fixed determination to maintain the Independence and Neutrality of Belgium, as provided in Article VII of the Treaty signed at London on the 19th April, 1839 (No. 184), between Belgium and the Netherlands, which Article was declared by the Quintuple Treaty of 1839 (No. 183) to be considered as having the same force and value as if textually inserted in the said Quintuple Treaty, their said Majesties have determined to conclude between themselves a separate Treaty, which, without impairing or invalidating the conditions of the said Quintuple Treaty, shall be subsidiary and accessory to it; and they have accordingly named as their Plenipotentiaries for that purpose, that is to say: Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Granville George Earl Granville, Lord Leveson, Her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c.; And His Majesty the King of Prussia, his Excellency the Minister of State, Albert Count of Bernstorff-Stintenburg, AmbasSee also Treaty between Great Britain and France of 11th August, 1870. |