Lapas attēli
PDF
ePub

1868.]

THE GENERAL ELECTION.

355

performed over the ashes-literally the ashes-of those who had been so suddenly plunged into eternity.

The proclamation announcing the dissolution of the parliament, and summoning the electors to choose their representatives, was issued on the 11th of November. In the electoral battle there were many casualties. Mr. Mill was defeated at Westminster, and his place was supplied by an eminent bookseller; Baron Rothschild was rejected by the city of London; Mr. Roebuck was beaten at Sheffield by Mr. Mundella; Mr. Gladstone, while the contest in Lancashire, in which he was unsuccessful, was still undecided, was returned for Greenwich without expense, and without solicitation on his part; Mr. Milner Gibson was defeated at Ashton-under-Lyne; Sir Wentworth Dilke lost the seat he had occupied for Wallingford, but his son was elected for Chelsea, though opposed by Dr. Russell, the able and popular historian of the Crimean war; Mr. Miall contested Bradford unsuccessfully, but was shortly afterwards elected to represent it. The result was, on the whole, a very decided majority for the opposition, though there were many conservative victories of a very striking and remarkable description; none of which perhaps caused greater surprise than the return of eight conservatives for the county of Lancaster, being the whole of the representatives of the various divisions of the county, once foremost in its liberalism among the counties of England. Scarcely less remarkable or more unexpected were the triumphs achieved by the conservatives at Bolton, Blackburn, and several other boroughs of the manufacturing districts. Another circumstance falsified a great number of predictions that had been very confidently uttered. The effect of the new reform bill, under which this election took place, was to place the majority of the votes in the greater number of constituencies in the hands of the working classes, and it had been very unhesitatingly affirmed that they would make use of the power thus confided to them to send to parliament men of their own class, or at all events men of violent and revolutionary views and opinions. But what was the fact? These prophecies were completely falsified by the event. There were indeed a good number of what were termed working-men's candidates; many of them, too, men of great ability, who

would have been able to throw much valuable light on many questions discussed in the House of Commons. There were Mr. Ernest Jones, Mr. Mason Jones, Mr. Greening. Mr. Beales, Dr. Kenealey, Mr. Hartwell, Mr. Odger, Mr. Bradlaugh. But these gentlemen were, without a single exception, completely defeated, and the House of Commons which was actually returned was the wealthiest House of Commons that had ever assembled; and although elected to carry out the policy which Mr. Gladstone advocated, it was very far indeed from being an assembly likely to yield to any violent or revolutionary impulses, or to make headlong and dangerous changes. On the contrary, perhaps no parliament ever sat that was more disposed to give a calm, independent, and unprejudiced consideration to the measures submitted to it. So much for the predictions that had been so long and so freely uttered with regard to the consequences that would follow from a large extension of the franchise.

Before the new parliament assembled the Disraeli ministry had ceased to exist. It was evident that the decision of the country was decidedly against it, and that the policy of the opposition would be supported by a majority of something like 120 in the new parliament. The only question therefore for ministers to consider was, whether they should meet parliament and undergo an inevitable defeat, or bow to the feeling of the country and resign at once. This question was discussed at a cabinet-council held on Tuesday the 1st of December, and the conclusion to which it came was in favour of the latter alternative. It was a wise and proper decision, saving much valuable time as well as the expenditure of much useless energy. Mr. Gladstone was sent for to form a new administration. course, after the result of the general election, he had little difficulty in executing the task confided to him, and it was soon announced that he had succeeded in forming a ministry of which the following were the chief members:

First Lord of the Treasury.
Lord Chancellor

Lord President of the Council
Lord Privy Seal

Chancellor of the Exchequer
Home Secretary

Foreign Secretary

Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone.
Lord Hatherley.

Earl de Grey.

Earl of Kimberley.
Mr. Lowe.

Mr. Bruce.

Earl of Clarendon.

Of

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small]

Few governments have ever been more popular than this administration at the time of its accession to office. This was chiefly due to the presence in it of Messrs. Gladstone and Bright, in whom the overwhelming majority of the nation had great confidence, and who on every occasion in which they appeared in public were objects of the warmest demonstrations of the favour and confidence with which they were regarded

CHAPTER VI.

THE GLADSTONE MINISTRY.

THE new parliament was opened by royal commission on Thursday, December the 10th. The first business done by the House of Commons was to re-elect the speaker. As the retirement of the late ministry had rendered a party struggle unnecessary, and as there was no business that urgently pressed for transaction, the swearing-in of members and other preliminary formalities having been gone through, and the motions rendered necessary by the acceptance of office on the part of the new ministers having been duly made and carried, the House rose for the Christmas vacation.

The business of the session of 1869 commenced on Tuesday the 16th of February. The upper House, indeed, sat before that day, but only as a matter of form. The royal speech, read by the lord chancellor, contained the following reference to the proposed legislation on the subject of the Irish church: The ecclesiastical arrangements of Ireland will be brought under your consideration at a very early date; and the legislation which will be necessary in order to their final adjustment, will make the largest demands on the wisdom of parliament. I am persuaded that in the prosecution of the work you will bear a careful regard to every legitimate interest which it may involve; and that you will be governed by the constant aim to promote the welfare of religion through the principles of equal justice; to secure the action of undivided feeling and opinion in Ireland on the side of loyalty and the law; to efface the memory of former contentions, and to cherish the sympathies of an affectionate people.' Some unimportant criticisms were made on the speech; but the only remark that excited much interest or attention was the announcement made by Mr. Gladstone that he would introduce the govern

1869.]

THE IRISH-CHURCH BILL.

359

ment measure dealing with the question of the Irish church on the 1st of March.

A complaint of a somewhat unusual kind issued from the House of Lords. It was a cry for more work, raised by Lord Cranbourne-now become, by the death of his father, Earl of Salisbury and a member of the upper chamber of the legislature. He complained, and other members of the House complained with him, that while the Commons had more work before them than they could hope to get through, the peers had nothing to do. Lord Granville promised to find them employment, and began by at once placing before them a bill for the repression of crime, and holding out a hope of following it by a bankruptcy bill.

On the 1st of March the new premier, according to promise, introduced his great measure for the disestablishment and partial disendowment of the Irish church, in a speech of three hours' duration; which Mr. Disraeli described as eloquent, full, adequate, and not containing one unnecessary word.

The plan which this speech explained was the following: On the 1st of January, 1871, the Irish church would cease to be recognised by the state; though the date might be altered if the House should think it necessary to change it.

On the second reading of the measure, subsequently fixed for the 18th of the month, the technical disendowment was to commence.

On the final passing of the bill, the Irish ecclesiastical commission was to come to an end, and to be succeeded by a new commission which was to carry out the transition from the present state of the church to that of a free episcopal church. During the transitional period no new vested interests were to be created.

The crown was to resign the right of appointing Irish bishops, and the Irish bishops were to lose their seats in the House of Lords.

A synodal or governing body, representing the clergy and the laity of the Irish church, was to be elected; and after being recognised by the queen in council as a dulyconstituted representative body, was to be legally incorporated by the government.

« iepriekšējāTurpināt »