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Ayrton had used, said: 'I am not accustomed to stand up in defence of those who are possessors of crowns; but I could not sit and hear that observation without a sensation of pain. I think there has been by many persons great injustice done to the Queen in reference to her desolate and widowed position; and I venture to say this, that a woman, be she the queen of a great realm, or be she the wife of one of your labouring men, who can keep alive in her heart a great sorrow for the lost object of her life and affection, is not at all wanting in a great and generous sympathy for you.' These remarks were received with tremendous cheering, which showed that zeal for reform was not mingled in the minds of those who attended the meeting with any feeling of disaffection to the sovereign, or with any desire to subvert monarchical government; and the loyal feeling that animated the assembly was still farther manifested by its refusal to hear Mr. Ayrton when he attempted to explain the language he had employed.

The weather during the year was, on the whole, damp and chilly. The harvest, which commenced with the prospect of a good crop, was retarded and seriously damaged by heavy autumnal rains. Cholera, typhus, and other zymotic diseases made considerable ravages among the population of the kingdom, and especially that of the metropolis. The cattle-plague, which we have seen spreading so rapidly at the beginning of the year, continued to prevail during its earlier months; but gradually yielded to the vigorous measures which were adopted to check its progress. Fenian conspiracy, more injurious to individuals than formidable to the state, prosecuting its objects rather by secret assassination than by open war, had rendered necessary another suspension of the habeas-corpus act in Ireland, and was mainly noticeable as a symptom of the unhealthy condition of the body politic in Ireland, and the necessity of remedies being applied to the evils of that country more searching and more thorough than any that had hitherto been administered.

The

The year 1867 commenced amidst great pauperism, destitution, and consequent discontent, in many parts of the kingdom, and especially in the eastern portion of its great metropolis. Even in prosperous times these districts of London are sunk in chronic poverty; but in periods of dis

1867.]

BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1867.

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tress, such as they were now passing through, that poverty became absolute destitution. The monetary derangements which the Russell administration met with so much promptitude and decision were not entirely removed for some time after the crisis had passed, and aggravated fearfully the wretchedness of this part of the metropolis. Thousands were nnemployed; and the inclemency of an exceptionally severe winter aggravated the misery which the cominercial depression had caused. The disputes between employers and employed; the reduction of wages, which was a natural and necessary consequence of the state of trade, leading to strikes on the one hand, and lock-onts on the other, intensified the suffering. It was computed at this time that at least 30,000 of the inhabitants of this brick-and-mortar wilderness depended on public and private charity for their subsistence. Many of those who were just above them were rapidly sinking to the same level, dragged down not only by the causes that had produced the poverty by which they were surrounded, but by the burden of rates varying from four shillings and sixpence to six shillings and sixpence in the pound, which were indispensably requisite for the support of the pauper population. This state of things necessitated some changes in the poor-law. The great mass of starving labour which crowded these eastern districts was brought there to a great extent for the service of those who dwelt in the wealthier and happier quarters of the great city; and it was only reasonable that they who profited by their labour in times of prosperity should contribute to their support in seasons of adversity.

Owing to divisions of opinion in the cabinet the question of reform had been left in suspense by the government, but at the last moment Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli had succeeded in persuading their colleagues to consent to the introduction of a measure dealing with that difficult question, and inspiring them with the hope that it might be so framed and so carried as to strengthen instead of weakening the conservative party. They were no doubt right; for neither the nation nor the House of Commons would have consented to leave the question any longer in abeyance, and the ministry would not have retained office a single fortnight after the commencement of the session if it had declined to deal with it. But the difficulties they had to contend

with were serious indeed; and most of all difficult was the position of Mr. Disraeli, as head of the government, in the House of Commons. The leader of a party that had all along dreaded and opposed any extension of the suffrage, regarded with jealousy and suspicion by many of those whose support was essential to the success of his enterprise, opposed by a large though divided majority, hampered by declarations he had made in opposing the numerous reform bills which the liberal party had brought forward, he was in a position which must necessarily task to the utmost his dexterity both as a framer and as a conductor of the measure. However, he rose to the difficulty, and met it with consummate ability. Two plans had been suggested: one of a bolder character, which was ultimately laid before the house; the other more moderate, which, in deference to the objections made to the former, was brought forward in the first instance.

The following passage in the royal speech at the opening of the session was the first authoritative announcement that the ministry had decided to grapple with the question:

'Your attention will again be called to the state of the representation of the people in parliament; and I trust that your deliberations, conducted in a spirit of moderation and mutual forbearance, may lead to the adoption of measures which, without unduly disturbing the balance of political power, shall freely extend the elective franchise.'

The phrase 'the balance of political power' was one that was very frequently repeated by Mr. Disraeli in the earlier debates on the bill. It was vague, but not unmeaning. The idea it was intended to convey was, that the bill was not to impair the influence in the election of members which the territorial aristocracy enjoyed; and therefore that if it did not strengthen the conservative party, it would not weaken it.

The ministry was profuse in its promises of legislation. Their programme for the session included colonial consolidation, metropolitan water-works, investigation of the law of trades-unions, extension of the factory acts to other trades, improvement of the mercantile marine, of the navigation laws, of the pecuniary arrangements of embarrassed railways, of the treatment of the sick and distressed in the

1867.]

MR. DISRAELI.

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metropolis, of the relations between Irish landlords and tenants, the amendment of the law of bankruptcy, and the consolidation of the probate, divorce, and admiralty courts. It seemed that ministers were determined to show themselves to be not inferior in energy and activity to their predecessors.

They must also be commended for the promptitude with which they entered on the work of parliamentary reform. The session commenced on Tuesday the 5th of February; on the following Monday Mr. Disraeli made his statement of the manner in which he and his colleagues proposed to deal with the question. Often as the subject had been brought forward, there was still as much anxiety as ever to hear the ministerial explanation, the same uncomfortable crowding of all parts of the house, the same early attendance of members, the same eagerness to obtain places in the speaker's and strangers' galleries, the same affluence of peers and illustrious personages. Mr. Disraeli began his address by laying down, amidst the loud laughter of the opposition, that, in the opinion of the government, parliamentary reform should no longer be a question which ought to decide the fate of ministers. He based this opinion on the failure of all parties in the state to deal with the question. Successive governments, in 1852, 1854, 1858, 1859, 1860, and 1866, had brought in reform bills, and had not been able to carry them. He then went on to state that before 1832 the working classes had a certain power in the representation: they could return two members in Preston, in Coventry; and in many other boroughs they had considerable influence as freemen. In 1852 these rights were abolished; and he thought now, as he thought then, that the abolition of them was a grave error, which he proposed to rectify. He announced that he meant to proceed by way of resolution. Mr. Hunt gave notice of a bill on the subject of rating, which was intended to pave the way for the consideration of the government plan of reform. The following were the resolutions on which that plan was to be based:

This house having, in the last session of parliament, assented to the second reading of a bill entitled “A bill to extend the right of voting at elections of members of parliament in England and Wales," is of opinion:

VOL. III.

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1. That the number of electors for counties and boroughs in England and Wales ought to be increased.

2. That such increase may best be effected by both reducing the value of the qualifying tenement in counties and boroughs, and by adding other franchises not dependent on such value.

3. That while it is desirable that a more direct representation should be given to the labouring class, it is contrary to the constitution of this realm to give to any one class or interest a predominating power over the rest of the community.

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4. That the occupation franchise in counties and boroughs shall be based on the principle of rating.

5. That the principle of plurality of votes, if adopted by parliament, would facilitate the settlement of the borough franchise.

6. That it is expedient to revise the existing distribution of seats.

7. That in such revision it is not expedient that any borough now represented in parliament should be wholly disfranchised.

8. That in revising the existing distribution of seats this house will acknowledge as its main consideration the expediency of supplying representation to places not at present represented, and which may be considered entitled to that privilege.

9. That it is expedient that provision should be made for the better prevention of bribery and corruption at elections.

10. That it is expedient that the system of registration of voters in counties should be assimilated as far as possible to that which prevails in boroughs.

11. That it shall be open to every parliamentary elector, if he thinks fit, to record his vote by means of a pollingpaper duly signed and authenticated.

12. That provision be made for diminishing the distances which voters have to travel for the purpose of recording their votes, so that no expenditure for such purpose shall hereafter be legal.

13. That a humble address be presented to her majesty, praying her majesty to issue a royal commission to form and submit to the consideration of parliament a scheme

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