1859.] DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT. 137 had sought to solve appears to have been how to increase the number of voters throughout the kingdom in such a way as to secure the return of a conservative majority. But though this seems to have been the aim of those who devised the bill, the majority of the conservative party seriously doubted, and probably with justice, whether the proposed end would be attained by the measure. The interval that elapsed between the first and the second reading of the bill by no means improved its prospects or strengthened the position of the government. However, the greater part of the conservative party faithfully, though not without much murmuring and dissatisfaction, followed their leaders, and a great struggle took place when the question of the second reading was brought forward by Mr. Disraeli. On the 21st of March Lord John Russell proposed the following amendment: That it is neither just nor politic to interfere in the manner proposed in the government bill with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in the counties of England and Wales; and that no readjustment of the franchise will satisfy the house or the country which does not provide for a greater extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is contemplated in the present measure.' The debate on the question of the second reading extended over nearly two weeks, at the close of which a division took place, when the numbers were— Thus the almost unequalled number of 621 members was present and voted on this division. Ministers had only two courses which, under the circumstances, they could take without dishonour-they must either resign or dissolve. They chose the latter alternative. As soon as this decision became known, the interest of the public was swiftly turned from the moribund House of Commons to the constituencies by which the new House was to be elected. The grounds on which the government made its appeal from the decision of the Commons to those whom they represented were ably and concisely stated in Mr. Disraeli's address to his Buckinghamshire constituents, which was intended, not for them only, but for the whole English people. To the Electors of the County of Buckingham. 'Gentlemen,-A parliamentary majority, composed of discordant sections, has availed itself of its numerical strength to embarrass her Majesty's government, and, by a disingenuous manoeuvre, to intercept the discussion of their measures. A year ago Lord Derby was summoned by her Majesty to undertake the administration of public affairs. Assisted by his colleagues, he has with diligence and devotion endeavoured to discharge his duty to the country. 'The blow which has lately been inflicted on the government deprives it of authority; and yet in the ranks of the opposition there is no more unity of sentiment than when their distracted polities rendered it necessary that Lord Derby should assume the helm. 'The opposition in the present House of Commons, which was elected under ambiguous circumstances, is broken into sections, which can always combine and overthrow the Queen's government, however formed. This is a condition alike prejudicial to parliament and to the empire. 'It is for the country to comprehend and to remedy these evils. 'The moment is critical. England has engaged to mediate between two great monarchs, and, if possible, preserve for Europe the blessings of peace. It is necessary that the Queen's government should be supported by a patriotic parliament. 'Her Majesty therefore, under the advice of her ministers, will shortly prorogue the present parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution, and will recur to the sense of her people, so that those who may be intrusted with her Majesty's confidence may be enabled to conduct the government with becoming authority. 'I have the honour to be, gentlemen, 'Downing-street, April 4, 1859.' 1859.] PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. 139 There was some truth, but more plausibility, in this statement of the case of the government. The Conservatives, though outnumbered by the Liberals, did unquestion ably form the largest body in the House of Commons, because their opponents were split up into four sections, of which Lord Palmerston, Lord J. Russell, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Horsman were the leaders; and when the opinions of these parties were looked into, it appeared almost impossible that the liberal party would lay aside their divisions, and give a sustained and continued support to a ministry selected by either of the leaders of its two largest divisions. Parliament was prorogued on the 19th of April, and dissolved on the following day. Before the commencement of the elections, it was known that war had broken out between France and Sardinia on the one hand, and Austria on the other. This event afforded the conservative candidates an opportunity of descanting on the danger of a change of ministry occurring at such a moment; and on the other hand caused Lord J. Russell and the opposition candidates generally to urge that a government which would be listened to with deference abroad ought to have strength and stability at home; but that the present administration exhibited itself to Europe at the outset of an approaching congress as having an irreconcilable difference with parliament, of whose assistance it will have deprived itself during what may be a critical period of the negotiation. The announcement of the war produced a panic on the stock. exchange, drawing after it several heavy failures: but confidence was restored as soon as it became known that the English government had determined to abstain from all intervention in the contest. There can be no doubt, however, that, so far as the war influenced the elections at all, it told, on the whole, against the government, because the sympathies of the majority of the English people were strongly in favour of the liberation of Italy from Austrian oppression; and it was generally believed that, while the sympathies of the conservative party and government were with Austria, the influence of any liberal government would be thrown into the scale of Italy. It was under such auspices and influences that the battle at the hustings was fought, and though it brought a gain to the government of some twenty seats, this gain was not sufficient to turn the scale in their favour. The result of this appeal to the country was, that about 302 Conservatives and 350 Liberals were returned to the new parliament. It was opened by royal commission on the 31st of May, and by her Majesty in person on the 7th of June, the interval having been spent in swearing-in the members and going through other preliminary formalities. When the address in answer to the speech from the throne was brought forward, the Marquis of Hartington moved an addition to it, which was, in fact, a vote of want of confidence in ministers. The debate on this motion was carried on with great vivacity and some irritation during three nights, and concluded on the night of the 10th of June, when on a division the numbers This defeat of the ministry was immediately followed by its resignation. It was already known that Lord J. Russell and Lord Palmerston, between whom a coolness had for some time prevailed, and who respectively headed two different sections of the liberal party, had been reconciled, and had agreed to act together; but speculation was still rife as to which of them would hold the first place in the ministry that would have to be formed. To the surprise, and somewhat to the dismay, of the liberal party, it was announced that Lord Granville had been sent for by her Majesty. A better choice probably could not have been made at the time; but as both Lord J. Russell and Lord Palmerston had held the post of prime-minister, it had generally been expected that one or other of them would have been selected; and the public curiosity was excited to know whether the bolder views of the former, or the more conservative policy of the latter, would prevail. There was therefore a feeling of baffled inquisitiveness when it was announced that Lord Granville had been called on to form an administration, and a desire to know why the claims of the two eminent men who led the liberal party in the House of Commons had been disregarded. An explanation of the 1859.] EARL GRANVILLE. 141 reasons of the course adopted was speedily given, and given in a most extraordinary and unprecedented manner. The interview between her Majesty and Earl Granville took place on the afternoon of the 11th of June, and on the morning of the 13th the following detailed account of the conversation which had taken place on the occasion appeared in the Times newspaper : 'Her Majesty, after listening to all the objections which Lord Granville had to offer, commanded him to attempt to form an administration, which should at once be strong in ability and parliamentary influence, and should at the same time comprehend within itself a full and fair representation of all the sections into which the liberal party has notoriously been divided. Feeling, probably, that it might be urged as an objection to this course, that Lord Granville, who has never yet held the office of prime-minister, would thus be placed in a position paramount to that occupied by Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, each of whom had served her long and faithfully in many high offices of state, who had each filled the office of first minister of the crown, her Majesty was pleased to observe, that she had in the first instance turned her thoughts towards Lord Palmerston and Lord J. Russell. Her Majesty felt, however, that to make so marked a distinction as is implied in the choice of one or other as a prime-minister of two statesmen so full of years and honours, and possessing so just a claim on the consideration of the Queen, would be a very invidious and unwelcome task. Her Majesty also observed, that Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston appeared to represent different sections of the liberal party: Lord Palmerston the more conservative, and Lord John Russell the more popular section. Impressed with these difficulties, her Majesty cast her eyes on Lord Granville, the acknowledged leader of the liberal party in the House of Lords, in whom both Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston had been in the habit of placing confidence, and who might have greater facilities for uniting the whole liberal party under one administration than could be enjoyed by either of the sectional leaders.' A few days after, in officially announcing his resignation. in the House of Lords, the Earl of Derby not unnaturally expressed his surprise that a conversation of so confidential |