HONOR TO RULERS.

When freemen meet, select, and choose their men,
With confidence their rights they trust to them;
And when those men prove faithful, just, and true,
The highest honor, then, to them is due

Honor, the richest, brightest, noblest jewel,
With gratitude, to them is paid in full.

But to return to the investigation. The evidence produced before the Committee shows that it is a most singular affair, particularly the testimony of Horace H. Day. It appears, by the testimony of this gentleman, that he never had any interest in the invention under investigation, or any knowledge of it, except the mere fact that the invention existed, and that a petition had been presented to Congress to extend the time on the patent. Why such testimony should be required, does not appear to have been explained, but it appears that this gentleman, Mr. Day, was permitted to take up another subject, which had no connection whatever with Mr. Colt's invention. He names a number of patents, and says: "Early in the fall I learned that efforts were designed to be made to effect the extension of those patents." He further says: "I learned, at the same time, that it was expected a large amount of means would be raised to effect the extension of those patents. I had reason to believe that the information thus received was true, from the fact that a negotiation had been pending between myself and the attorney and agent of Goodyear, (William Judson); I should rather say the attorney of the association of India Rubber Manufacturers, to allow them to extend this patent, which, in our conversation, was called the Sulphur Patent, by Congress." It should be borne in mind that the above statements of Mr. Day do not apply to any matter of fact under investigation; he merely states what he "learned," and he does not state from whom he "learned" what he testified to. If the Committee had examined the memorial of Mr. Hayward, which had been previously presented to Congress, they would have found authenticated evidence that those statements which Mr. Day says he "learned," were false. The "association" of which Mr. Day speaks, is a bugbear of his own creation, and undoubtedly created for the purpose of deceiving and misleading the Committee. The au

thenticated facts set forth in the memorial of Mr. Hayward, for an extension on his patent, (which Mr. Day calls one of the Goodyear patents,) ought to have been examined by the Committee, and ought to have had more weight with them and with Congress, than the statements which Mr. Day says he "learned," (probably from a lunatic.) It appears, by Mr. Day's own testimony, that his own intellect was disordered. His statement respecting his interview with Mr. Dickerson, in New York, bears evidence of insanity. It appears that he imagined that justice was an article of barter in Washington, and told Mr. Dickerson it would require "a contingent fee of at least $2,000 each, which he, (Mr. Dickerson,) must pay" to the operators, (truly a modest request)—whereupon Mr. Dickerson replied, that he was not clothed with authority to negotiate about the rubber patents." Thus it appears that Mr. Day ran off the track, under a full head of steam, and found himself in a quagmire. The case before the Committee was Col. Colt's, and not the Rubber Patent, as Mr. Day imagined.

Mr. Day's statement that he had an interview with Mr. Judson respecting" the Sulphur Patent, in the summer or fall of 1853," and that "he was offered what he considered equal, eventually, to about four hundred thousand dollars, not to oppose the extension," is certainly a very singular assertion. How does this statement correspond with the facts in the case? Neither Mr. Goodyear nor Mr. Judson had any knowledge of Mr. Hayward's application, nor that he contemplated making an application to Congress for the extension of his patent, until it was published in the newspapers that Mr. Hayward had presented his petition, which was in the winter succeeding the fall named by Mr. Day. Mr. Day's own statements, that he was subject upon which he was testifying. insanity; and again, how is this four lars to be disposed of? It will be modified the amount, by the insertion of the words "eventually" and "about." In courts of justice such modifications would not be considered evidence; probably he considered that bis qualification, by inserting the word "about," would, with propriety, reduce the amount ninety-nine hundredths, and the word eventually" to extend to the period when the grim

Thus it appears, by totally ignorant of the This is further proof of hundred thousand dolobserved, that Mr. Day

tyrant should call for him, and apply a stroke of his scythe. It will be observed that one of the conditions which Mr. Day unceremoniously took the liberty to propose to Mr. Dickerson was, "that the Jersey suit must be discontinued," &c. This suit was for infringement and piracies which he had perpetrated upon the very patent he took the liberty to introduce before the Investigating Committee. The judgment of the Court in this suit still stands against him, unsettled. This suit involved the greatest amount of any patent suit in the United States, consequently, Mr. Day is justly entitled to be denominated the prince of pirates of patented inventions. It appears that the object which Mr. Day had in view was not so much to oppose Col. Colt's patent, as to oppose the patent which he had pirated, and which was not the subject of investigation. The Committee should calmly consider whether the testimony of such men should have the effect of depriving the benefactor of the public of the enjoyment of a just right to the object of his own creation, consisting in the privilege of additional time to keep the hands of pirates from seizing his own property, embodied in his invention.

The Committee of Investigation should consider whether the country could in any way be benefited by the testimony of a diseased intellect, giving the impression of immense wealth where it does not exist. History shows that it is not an uncommon thing for a man to be insane on one point, and rational on all others, and this appears to be the misfortune of Mr. Day. By his own statements, he seems to entertain the idea that Congress is at his command, and he can cause that body to act either for or against the extension of time on patepts, and stated to those he called his enemies, that it belonged to him to "allow them to extend this patent," (the Rubber Patent.)

To avoid any misapprehension, the author would state the fact that he is not personally acquainted with either Colt, Goodyear, Judson, or Day, having never spoken with either of those gentlemen; he merely offers his views for the consideration of all parties interested in the subject, and particularly for the consideration of Congress, in case the patent laws should be under consideration by that body, for amendment.

The following views are respectfully submitted as a caution

to those intrusted with the power of making laws for the people.

FATE OF ALL NATIONS-THEIR RISE, PROGRESS AND END.

Nations, in their morning, calmly, safely rise,
First with cautious steps, their progress slow and wise;
Then at noon, with haughty pride and power they stand,
Heaped up wealth corrodes, and cankers all the land;
Once commenced, their downward course is swiftly run,
Night comes on, and ends the scene that they begun.

REMARKS ON THE RESULTS PRODUCED BY THE LABORS OF

INVENTORS.

The labors of inventors (since our government was first established) have improved every mechanical device relating to the conveniences, comforts, and luxuries of life, and at the same time rendered their cost so low, that the greater portion of the products of the mechanic arts are now within the reach of all classes, instead of the wealthy class only, as formerly. They have also added thousands of useful inventions which have increased the public welfare. The result of their labors has increased the wealth of the country beyond calculation, and distributed it through the whole mass of the people, instead of concentrating it in the hands of a few. The prosperity and perpetuity of our government rests principally upon the labors of authors and inventors, yet the rights of the inventing class have hitherto been imperfectly provided for by Congress. This defect has undoubtedly arisen in consequence of the subject being very intricate, and difficult to be fully comprehended and provided for by suitable laws, (as explained in the foregoing letter of the Hon. Henry Clay.) It is to be hoped that all former difficulties are so far removed by the following explanations, that Congress will be enabled to fully comprehend the subject, and be induced to make an effort to provide just laws for the protection of this most meritorious class of citizens.

All that inventors ask for, is a law that will grant them a right to their own property, without being driven to the expensive course of an appeal from the unjust decision of the Patent Office; and such provisions as will enable them to protect their own property from the piracies of unprincipled persons, without ruinous litigation, and for the same space of time that is allowed to authors.