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gate to a great amount. The country is really at a vast expense of means for the support of schools, and it is at this expense by direction of the government, just as much as if it were paid at once out of the public treasury. It may, therefore, fairly be put to the common sense and prudence of our legislatures, whether they will suffer these means, thus accumulated, to be wasted, or to fail of their full and proper effect? Shall we build school houses, and purchase books, and collect large sums of money, and stop here, and leave undone the very thing that is to give efficacy to all the rest? Shall we rear a system of machinery, with great labor and care, without attention to the very power, by which it is to work with energy and effect? For we aver, and repeat, that the intelligence of the teachers is the power, the vital principle, the main spring in our school establishments.

And this intelligence, moreover, cannot be had without aid from the government. This is a very material point, and it may easily be made a clear one. The requisite intelligence, it is manifest, is yet to be created. It does not exist; or it exists only in those, who can afford to be idle, or are more profitably employed, and will yield us no aid in this business. How then can it be created? How shall young men be induced to come forward and prepare themselves for the business of teaching? We answer, only by a helping hand being stretched out to them. They cannot afford to be at the whole expense of the undertaking; the compensation offered in our common schools will not warrant it. The teachers of these schools in general are, during a portion of the year, otherwise engaged. They cannot leave their employments, lose their time, and pay all their expenses at the proposed Institution besides. They will do something; but they cannot do every thing. They have an ambition, many of them, to learn. Some of them, doubtless, are sensible of their incapacity. Some of them, if properly aided, will go to a seminary opened for their benefit. And when they return, they will show at once, in one winter or summer, the great advantages of such a training. Others will follow them. The standard of qualifications for teaching will be raised. The character of the schools will be raised. The character of the community will as certainly be raised; and the blessing of such an institution will be incalculable. It will be the blessing of many generations.'

It is the duty, it is the especial province, and it is the glory of a

truly republican, which ought to be a truly parental government, to watch over the youth and children, committed to its charge. No one can fail to be struck with the declaration, concerning Lycurgus, that he resolved the whole business of legislation into the bringing up of youth.'

We are tempted to plead the rights of this portion of our population; for rights they have, though in our republican wisdom or pride, we seem to imagine, that these belong only to 'all males over twentyone years of age.' We confess, that we feel some pity for the little communities, that are gathered in our schools, whose parts are assigned them, often with as little consideration, as if they were the machinery of a cotton factory, shut up to buzz, and chafe, and wear away the appointed hours, but whose restlessness and chafing turn to far less account. We cannot but feel some sympathy with this inexpressible reluctance of many a child to go to school, and are but half indignant enough at the naughty truant. We suppose that he makes as fair a calculation as many of his seniors, and judges, that it is better to receive a chastisement at home in the evening, than to suffer torture all day at school.

Do we overrate the evils, which are regularly and systematically inflicted on the mass of the rising generation? We are not again going over the ground, to which this question would lead us. But we confidently appeal to all, who know anything about it. We are for ourselves satisfied, that where all extraneous matters of interest are left out of sight, where the simple question is between loving the school for its own sake, or not loving it, the entire majority of children in our common schools, under twelve or fourteen years of age, is decidedly averse to the discipline of learning. And we cannot conceive of a more miserable system of mismanagement than that, which brings about such a result. We never saw one of these reluctant pupils, not the dullest of them, whose eye would not kindle, and whose whole countenance would not brighten with joy, if you would clearly present to him one new and intelligible idea. And it is because their reasoning nature is overlooked, and they are set to mumble over the unmeaning sounds of an unintelligible lesson, it is for this reason, that the very idea of learning with many has become odious, and every familiar word of the school room is habitually associated with everything dull and wearisome. We would not willingly be thought extravagant; but we cannot consent to be judged by those, whom our own

poor reflections have led to their first thoughts of this interesting subject.

We are not fully satisfied, we confess, with the usual manner in which any body of human beings has been treated, or with the improvement and happiness to which any community has attained. From the spirit of this age, and the advantages of this country combined, we are looking for better results, than have yet appeared. Mr Owen will not accomplish them for us, nor will any enthusiast, however much more generous and philanthropic, or less vain and shortsighted. No schemer nor empiric will bring forward the great destiny which is before us, but it will be slowly and gradually wrought out, by principles already in operation. It will be wrought out by the consenting inquiries, and purposes, and endeavors of the whole people; but the grand lever, which is to raise up the mighty mass of this community, is education. We forget not the power of a free press, so often denominated the palladium our liberties, we forget not our excellent form of government, we forget not the institutions of religion, but all these are to take their character from the intelligence of the people. The empire of these States must rise or fall with the mind. The schools hold, in embryo, the future communities of this land. The schools are the pillars of the republic. To these, let the strong arm of the government be stretched out. Over these, let the wisdom of our legislatures watch. Let not the needful scrutiny and support be withheld, lest their very foundations silently moulder away, and the fabric of empire sink in their ruins.

ART XI.-Notes on Political Economy. By J. N. CARDOZO. 1826. 8vo. pp. 125. Charleston.

THE short treatise, to which the above unassuming title is given, was written by a gentleman, who has evidently made himself familiar with the doctrines of what is called the new school of Political Economy. His object is to examine a few of those doctrines, show their consequences, and trace out the fallacy of the argument on which they are founded. For this reason, if for no other, it will be generally sought for by the true lovers of VOL. XXIV.-No. 54.

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the science. It is desirable, that some writer of talents should undertake the task, on a far more extended scale than Mr Cardozo has done; give us a brief outline of the peculiarities in the new school; contrast them, where it is possible, with those of the old; state succinctly the arguments urged on both sides of the question; and make such reflections on the growth of this branch of knowledge, as must naturally be suggested by the inquiry. Such an undertaking would demand a good deal of research, examination, thought; something more, in short, to be well executed, than a modest attempt at 'Notes.'

Mr Cardozo does not approach the most important questions; and with many of the conclusions at which he arrives, we cannot agree, although much interested in the discussion, by which he was led to them. In our own country, inquiries upon the various branches of political economy are of far more importance, than in many others, because every citizen here may be called upon to serve as a legislator; and to think of assuming the responsibility of that high station, without some examination of the basis on which it ought to rest, or some study of the principles, by which alone it can be made to act beneficially, or not injuriously, on the general interests of society, must be, to say the least, presumptuous. The knowledge of this science is, indeed, not commonly deemed of such utility; and, what is remarkable, it seldom forms any part of the popular or recommendatory qualifications of the candidate for high political office. For these reasons and others, there ought to be some arrangement for making it more universally a branch of common education; and the writer renders a good service, who calls public attention to any of the controversies connected with it, in a condensed form, like the one before us.

There are some doctrines among the late writers on the subject particularly, which, though they have been thoroughly refuted, and for that reason probably are passed unnoticed by Mr Cardozo, may have a tendency so injurious, that they cannot be too much pressed upon our examination, and shown to be utterly false. The possibility, that machinery may be too far improved; that the saving of labor may thus become excessive; that, in consequence of it, honest industry may be thrown out of employment, and condemned to suffer for the benefit of the rich capitalist, are among the number of them. And to teach principles, which involve these doctrines, as has been done by some very able writers, is to call science in aid of popular pre

judice. Mr Cardozo does not think it necessary to reexamine them. His inquiries are, generally, into subjects more apart from common observation, and therefore less interesting, and probably less important, than those we have mentioned. They are subjects, however, which have called forth the attention of the most acute and intelligent writers.

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One of the principal objects of the author's Notes (and, on reading the introduction to them, we thought it was to be almost their sole object) is to refute Ricardo's Theory of Rents, which Mr Cardozo thinks is full of errors, and must lead to very unreasonable or absurd results. We cannot entirely agree with the objections here raised against that distinguished writer, although he has certainly made some mistakes, in his chapter on this subject. He ascribes the rise of raw produce, and of rents, to the necessity of resorting to inferior soils, and the increased difficulty of production. When land of an inferior quality,' says Ricardo, is taken into cultivation, the exchangeable value of raw produce will rise, because more labor is required to produce it. The reason why raw produce rises in comparative value, is because more labor is employed in the production of the best portion obtained.' When, in the progress of society, land of the second degree of fertility is taken into cultivation, rent immediately commences on that of the first quality, and the amount of that rent will depend on the difference in the quality of these two portions of land.' There is a slight inaccuracy in in all these statements. Raw produce would rise, and rents would also rise, even if the less fertile lands were prevented in any way from being brought under cultivation. In fact, the cultivation of these less fertile lands will, in some measure, keep the price of rents and produce down, because they furnish a partial supply, and thus make the demand less intense, than otherwise it must become in consequence of the greater scarcity. Suppose a country of very limited extent, where the lands, though unequal, were all rich, and highly cultivated, and where none of an inferior quality could be brought forward. Suppose, that on the increase of population, produce should rise and become very high, so high, that the profits of capital invested in agriculture would be much greater, than of that invested in commerce, or manufacture, or other employments; it is evident, that these lands must pay rent, and the rent will be just so much, as to reduce the profits of capital invested in agriculture to a level with the profits of that invested in any other way. Raw produce first

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