negotiation, however, the subject of compensation to the loyalists created the greatest, and, at one time, an almost insuperable obstacle to a favorable result. As an ultimatum, the American commissioners finally proposed a stipulation, that Congress should recommend to the States a restoration of their property; but they candidly told the British minister, that, on account of the public feelings in America against this class of people, the recommendation would not probably be complied with by the States. This proposition was at last accepted, and the treaty signed on the thirtieth of November.

Although the French court could not openly complain of the advantages secured to their allies by this treaty, yet the answer of Vergennes to the note of Dr Franklin, enclosing a copy of it, evinced great dissatisfaction, and was expressed in severe and bitter language.

France and Spain had not at this time settled the terms of peace with Great Britain. Serious difficulties had arisen to prevent this; and among these, the claim of Spain for the surrender of Gibraltar was not the least. Having failed to obtain this fortress by force, Spain was determined to have it by negotiation; and her minister was instructed not to make peace without it. The aid of France was particularly solicited, and the Spanish court offered to France her part of St Domingo for Gibraltar. Mr Raynevel was intrusted with this important negotiation at London. A majority of the British cabinet, after much debate, agreed to yield up Gibraltar to Spain, on two conditions; first, The restitution of all the conquests made by Spain, namely, Minorca, West Florida, and the Bahama Islands; secondly, The cession of Porto Rico, or the restitution of Dominique, and the cession of Guadaloupe, by France. The French king was willing to restore Dominique, to cede Guadaloupe, and take the Spanish part of St Domingo; but the king of Spain hesitated about restoring West Florida. The king of England, however, at last put an end to this negotiation, by an absolute refusal to give up Gibraltar on any terms. With respect to territory, the ultimatum of the British cabinet was, the cession of both the Floridas, together with Minorca, and to receive back the Bahamas. This was finally accepted by the Spanish minister, though contrary to his instructions.

The advantages secured to the United States by the treaty of peace, were probably greater than those obtained by France or Spain. For these they were indebted to the abilities and

firmness of their ministers. It was foreseen by the American negotiators, that great difficulties would arise in the final adjust ment of so many claims as must occur between Great Britain and the powers confederated against her, and that even among the confederates themselves there might be interfering interests. France, Spain, and Holland had important interests to settle, not only in America, but in Europe, the East and West Indies, and, indeed, in every part of the world; and each would naturally endeavor to obtain the most advantageous terms for itself.

Soon after the treaty of peace, new subjects of dispute arose between the United States and Great Britain, and also between them and Spain; the origin and nature of which are accurately stated in the work before us. While negotiations relative to these disputes were pending, a most extraordinary revolution took place in France; a revolution, which produced new and more important causes of complaint on the part of the United States against England and Spain; and involved this country in new and almost inextricable difficulties with France. The length to which this article has been extended, must prevent us from tracing the author through the intricate and protracted negotiations in which this country was involved with foreign nations, in consequence of this unexampled state of things in Europe. We must content ourselves with referring to the work itself. The author has stated them with accuracy and fidelity; and the remarks with which he has accompanied this statement, are made with impartiality and candor.

These negotiations embraced important questions of national law, relating to neutral rights, deeply affecting the commercial interests of the United States. During this mighty conflict, which continued without much interruption for a quarter of a century, the United States received great injuries from Great Britain and France. While the former was determined that the Americans should not directly or indirectly afford assistance to her ancient rival, the rulers of France, by whatever name they were called, were resolved, that the United States should join in the war against England. Each accused the American government of partiality to her rival; and it required all the wisdom and prudence of President Washington to prevent the United States from being at an early period involved in the war, which so long desolated Europe.

The first minister from the French republic, in 1793, was

instructed to form a family compact with the Americans, and to induce them to make common cause with France; and in 1807, the imperial Bonaparte, when solicited to relax his celebrated decrees, in favor of the United States, not only refused, but declared, that the Americans should be compelled to take the position and character either of allies or enemies. This declaration was made, when, in the height of his conquests, Bonaparte determined that the United States should unite in enforcing his continental system. The origin and object of this celebrated system, and its effects on the commerce of the United States, are explained in this work; and the power and views of Bonaparte, at this period of his career, are well described.

'The mind is impressed with a singular sensation, in beholding a great conqueror, just reposing from one of his most signal victories, in the capital of the sovereign, whose army he had rather destroyed than defeated, issuing decrees, that embraced, in their desolating effects, almost every sea of the civilized world. The power of Napoleon Bonaparte was scarcely bounded by any river on the continent of Europe. In gaining his great victories, in adding state after state to his dominions, in placing brother after brother upon the thrones of the old nations, whose dynasties he had thrown down, he seems to have been fulfilling his proper part,―to have been accomplishing the destinies of which, under Heaven, he was the humble instrument. Wherever he marched, he carried a force with him sufficient to effect his purposes. This was the legitimate exercise of the vast power, with which he was intrusted, by Providence, for objects which it is not yet altogether in the reach of man to comprehend. But when he extended his ambition to the ocean; when he undertook to overwhelm whole countries, by maritime decrees, we perceive that he has left the orbit, in which it was his destiny to move; and we feel, that the unity of his theatrical character is destroyed. pp. 120, 121.

France was powerful by land, England by sea; and in their unexampled struggle for preeminence, particularly on the ocean, both were guilty of unparalleled violations of maritime rights, and both vindicated their proceedings on the principles of retaliation. That the United States, for these violations of their rights, had legitimate causes of war against both, there can be little doubt; and the only question was, whether, in the peculiar state of the world, it was wise, politic, or necessary for them to select either for their enemy. The various measures, which at last induced the United States to make a selection, together with the negotiations, which ended in the treaty of Ghent, are

stated by the author with his usual ability and fairness, and this statement concludes the volume.

This work evinces throughout much industry and research, and will be found a valuable addition to American history. It may be perused with special profit by those, who would be instructed in that portion of the history of the country, relating to its intercourse and connexions with foreign powers.

ART. VII.-1. Supplement to the American Ornithology of Alexander Wilson; containing a Sketch of the Author's Life, with a Selection from his Letters; some Remarks on his Writings; and a History of those Birds, which were intended to compose Part of his Ninth Volume. Illustrated with Plates, engraved from Wilson's Original Drawings. By GEORGE ORD. Philadelphia. 1825. J. Laval and S. F. Bradford.

2. American Ornithology; or the Natural History of Birds, inhabiting the United States, not given by Wilson; with Figures drawn, engraved, and colored, from Nature. By CHARLES LUCIAN BONAPARTE. Vol. I. Philadelphia. 1825. S. A. Mitchell, Publisher; W. Brown, Printer.

WHEN We compare the present state of the world with what is called antiquity, there is nothing in which the superiority of the later ages appears more conspicuous, than in the advancement of the natural sciences, or discoveries of the laws, operations, and characteristics of the physical creation Lord Bacon has told us, that the common way of talking about antiquity is erroneous, and that men have begun to reckon at the wrong end. The old age of the world, he says, is the proper period to be thus denominated, and not the green years of youth and inexperience. We of the present day are in fact the true ancients, and Zoroaster, Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and others, whose lot it was to come upon the stage in the opening scene of the drama of human existence, are in reality the younger brethren of the great family of mankind. They had the imagination, the fire, and the inquisitiveness of youth, the power of genius and the resources of intellect, but, without the light of

experience, they wandered in dark paths and desert wastes, and gathered but little of the genuine fruit of knowledge. Science made but slow progress in their hands; they contrived systems, which served as prison houses to the mind, rather than instruments for unfolding its faculties, and sending it abroad to seek nourishment at the fountains of truth; and, what was the worst of all, they had the art to construct these systems so ingeniously, to rivet their parts together so firmly, and clothe them with such attractions, as to awaken the admiration and reverence of after times, and produce an influence, the ill effects of which are felt to the present day.

The philosophers of early times amused themselves with speculations, fancies, dreams, which had little to do with the realities of things, or the obvious laws of nature. Witness the cosmogony of the Persians and Egyptians, the physical theories of the Greeks, that beautiful fabric of the material world first conceived by Democritus, matured by Epicurus, and adorned by the brilliant poetry of Lucretius. Witness the mythology of all the early nations, the agents to which they ascribed natural phenomena, their deities, demigods, and local divinities. Nature was not studied, nor its laws understood; knowledge was at a stand, truth hidden, and experience unknown. The master spirits, who governed the mind for so many centuries, were as much in the dark as the most humble and uninformed. That great magician, Aristotle, whose wand was so potent, after having trod in the open plains of history,' if we may credit lord Bacon, ' and viewed the works of nature, yet dug to himself a dungeon, and filled it with the vainest idols; and Plato, the divine Plato, according to the same high authority, was not only a well bred sophister, a tumid poet, and fanatical divine,' but he turned men's thoughts from the history of nature, and from things themselves, and taught the mind to enter into itself, and there, under the name of contemplation, to tumble over its own blind and confused idols.' Thus it was with those, who were called philosophers, and received the homage of the world for many ages, as the oracles of wisdom, and the true interpreters of nature. Aristotle wrote a history of animals; Theophrastus, his pupil, a treatise on stones, and another on plants; Pliny the elder compiled a work embracing all the branches of natural knowledge common in his time; but history acquaints us with little, that can be dignified with the name of science, till within two hundred years. Bacon himself was the first to detect the errors