reponsible for the sayings and the speeches of men ted States, together, with offensive extracts from Re as part of its annual reports, all these speeches th onsible for them all, for it has, by its own delini ad difference can it make to us in the South, whe lications, and thus it recognizes the doctrines they of the individuals of that Society, expressed sentiments, are the sentiments of a Society, than when the speeches of its mode proof need we require, of a Boiety sfied by animated pictures of the Meshes, and toats, and wowicion that the whole be told, and the anecdotes related, of the cruelty of ownves. And it is here again, that are recorded the exammortals who sacrificed their wealth upon the altars m; who think they aggrandize their country by s, and thus letting loose beings, neither fitted for freedom, and who must be a walking It is in this journal, that are constantly rebodings, "that the time must come nst the oppressor with a desolat 123 eponsible for the sayings and the speeches of its members. --- ettled conviction that the whole be not infallible cri object of these So o introduce all owever, Gra. Alter ། be disposed to treat with of the distempered minds mselves. The Colo 1 eradicating from our regard as an evil of the , particularly in the Middle. adherents, strange to say, even even an "Hieronymus' * from cause in Northern journals. By ecomes more and more known to the ninations, and the clergy in general, withthey are doing, give it their cordial support. been recommended to preach sermons on the ependence; but none have been bold enough in nply with the request. The Society is not in the HENRY CLAY is one of its patrons, and a very Kmen. ed anniversary orator. Judge WASHINGTON, of the Suourt of the United States, is its President. By his circular 14th of March last past, we are informed that the Society is to ae application to Congress at its ensuing session. It is the Judge ho transmits all over the United States "the form of a memorial. to which signatures are to be solicited, and to be forwarded to the Congress." Should a question ever be made in the Supreme Court, whether under the words "general welfare," money can be voted to a negro society, or a negro colony on the coast of Africa, we may conjecture how this Judge will decide the question, for by his circular, it appears that he has already made up his mind. He declares in it" that the object of the Society is one of NATIONAL interest." After so many declarations, and from a quarter so respectable, can any man doubt but that this Society will present itself before the National Legislature. These abolitionists, it is true, are not as well confederated and combined as the manufacturers. In the one case, great pecuniary interests are involved, and injudicious investments to the amount of many millions of dollars are at hazard, in consequence of "Mr. CANNING's untaxing the British nation." In the other case, there are no millions of dollars it is true, but there are a million and a half of poor degraded human souls who need restoration to the rights of freemen. The manufacturers may excel In the controversy in the Boston papers, this writer does more harm to SouthCarolina than "Vigornius," the open enemy of slavery. this should not damp their ardour, but give new courage for new at tacks." "We ought, (adds Gen. HARPER,) to explain our views and plan, soon and fully; so that they may be seen and understood by the nation. The sooner, and the more fully this is done, the better; and in no way can it be so well done, as by an application to Congress, and THE DISCUSSIONS (mark that) to which it will give rise." Thus terminates the seventh Anniversary Meeting of the Colonization Society. Now, I ask my fellow-citizens, if these are the sentiments which are to promote the happiness and security of the Southern States. Domestic servitude is the policy of our country, and has been so from time immemorial. It is so intimately interwoven with our prosperity, as a member of the confederacy, and with our comfort as a society, that to talk of its abolition, is to speak of striking us out of our civil and political existence. It is to remove from us the only labourers who can cultivate our soil. It is to cut off all the resources of our wealth. It is to consent to give up our valuable plantations, our tide swamps, and our prime cotton lands. In a word, it is to surrender the whole of our valuable lower country, to the "beasts of the field" and the wild men of the forest. And how dare the people of this Society, the greater part of whom at this day, form their crude, and their undigested, and their abstract ideas in their closets, with no knowledge of our country, no acquaintance with the habits and pursuits of our people, no experience of our peculiar wants, no consideration of the difficulties of emancipation, be it sudden or gradual-how dare such men, the men of Ohio and the Wabash, &c. professing as they do, friendship and good feelings towards us, presume to discuss a subject of which they know nothing, and when their discussions can produce no other fruit than the bitter apple of discord and disunion. Do these enthusiasts think it a trifling matter to hold out to our slave population prospects which never can be realized; or do they believe, that when by the discussions in Congress, they shall have kindled up amongst these people dissatisfaction, discontent and insubordination, that they can at all times so regulate its heat, that it shall not come to an awful and a wide spreading conflagration? Are they to scatter firebrands, and say they mean well. But, not content with indulging in its wild and mischievous schemes of the revolution in public sentiment, which it hopes to bring about by circulating the speeches of its members, the Society employs the Press in another way, as a still more efficient means of bringing about emancipation. It causes to be published at the Seat of Government, under its immediate auspices, and for its exclusive emolument, a Monthly Journal, which it styles the" African Repository," published "by order of the Managers of the American Colonization Society." It is in this periodical, that are constantly disseminated the sentiments which are to make the slave dissatisfied with his condition, and the master doubtful, whether he ought to hold in subjection his slave. It is here that we have essays, in which the system of servitude is pourtrayed in colors the most frightful and disgusting. It is this journal in which the tales are to be told, and the anecdotes related, of the cruelty of owners to their slaves. And it is here again, that are recorded the examples of those silly mortals who sacrificed their wealth upon the altars of a moral enthusiasm; who think they aggrandize their country by manumitting their slaves, and thus letting loose beings, neither fitted by education or by habit for freedom, and who must be a walking pestilence wherever they go. It is in this journal, that are constantly expressed, those mischievous forebodings, "that the time must come when the oppressed shall rise against the oppressor with a desolating vengeance." I know that some of our citizens will be disposed to treat with contempt such predictions, as the effusions of the distempered minds of weak fanatics; but let them not deceive themselves. The Colonization Society, under the specious pretext of eradicating from our country what the people of so many States regard as an evil of the first magnitude, daily acquires strength, particularly in the Middle and Western States, and it has some adherents, strange to say, even in the plantation States. It has even an 66 Hieronymus"* * from South-Carolina to advocate its cause in Northern journals. By of the Press, it daily becomes more and more known to the ultra religious of all denominations, and the clergy in general, without being aware of what they are doing, give it their cordial support. To these last, it has been recommended to preach sermons on the anniversary of Independence; but none have been bold enough in the South to comply with the request. The Society is not in the hands of weak men. HENRY CLAY is one of its patrons, and a very distinguished anniversary orator. Judge WASHINGTON, of the Supreme Court of the United States, is its President. By his circular of the 14th of March last past, we are informed that the Society is to make application to Congress at its ensuing session. It is the Judge who transmits all over the United States "the form of a memorial to which signatures are to be solicited, and to be forwarded to the Congress." Should a question ever be made in the Supreme Court, whether under the words general welfare," money can be voted to a negro society, or a negro colony on the coast of Africa, we may conjecture how this Judge will decide the question, for by his circular, it appears that he has already made up his mind. He declares in it "that the object of the Society is one of NATIONAL interest." 66 After so many declarations, and from a quarter so respectable, can any man doubt but that this Society will present itself before the National Legislature. These abolitionists, it is true, are not as well confederated and combined as the manufacturers. In the one case, great pecuniary interests are involved, and injudicious investments to the amount of many millions of dollars are at hazard, in consequence of "Mr. CANNING's untaxing the British nation." In the other case, there are no millions of dollars it is true, but there are a million and a half of poor degraded human souls who need restoration to the rights of freemen. The manufacturers may excel In the controversy in the Boston papers, this writer does more harm to SouthCarolina than "Vigornius," the open enemy of slavery. in the talent which they will bring to their aid, but the abolition men will not be behind them in their zeal, and their perseverance to accomplish their ends. They both will have their special friends in the lobbies and in the House. They all have their plans of attack well arranged, and they both design to make the South feel its present colonial dependance. The day then is at hand. The crisis approaches, when Congress is to be called upon to discuss a subject upon which no vote can be taken, which will not amount to an expression of its opinion on the subject of domestic slavery. Are the plantation States disposed to submit to any such expression of opinion. I trust they are not prepared, and my sincere hope is, that should this body presume to legislate on, or discuss this subject in any way, that there may be but one heart and one mind, and that we should cut the knot forever that would bind us to the worst of enemies. Of the dangers of such a discussion I shall speak in my next. NO. 26. Our Senator, Mr. HAYNE, has not been an indifferent spectator of the movements of the Colonization Society. With the sagacity for which he is distinguished, he early perceived that these movements indicated a spirit which was hostile to Southern interests. He has expressed this opinion publicly and privately. To the inhabitants of St. Paul's Parish, he has recently stated "that the whole course and tendency of the Colonization Society demonstrated, (what indeed was openly acknowledged by some of its members, and is hardly now denied by any) that the colonization of the class of persons, whose removal was originally declared to be the exclusive object of the Society, was but the first step towards another great object, which, in his opinion, could never be attempted, (and least of all by the Federal Government) without aiming a blow at our peace and security." To this sentiment, Mr. HAYNE added his firm and unalterable determination, to resist to the utmost of his power, the right of the General Government "to embrace a subject which belongs exclusively to the States, and which, in his view, could never be touched by Congress, (whether with good or evil intentions) without producing the HEAVIEST calamities." As far as Mr. HAYNE has had an opportunity, he has acted in conformity with this opinion. When RUFUS KING laid upon the table of the Senate his resolution to empower Congress to establish a fund for purchasing and emancipating slaves, our Senator submitted his protest, together with a counter resolution. On the petition of the Colonization Society being presented to the Senate, Mr. HAYNE again protested. So far has this Senator discharged his duty to his country, and further than this he could not well go under the circumstances. In the co-operation and assistance of such a colleague as Judge SMITH, we have the most flattering hopes. The services of this latter gentleman on the Missouri question, are universally acknowledged, and the impression, which it is admitted he then made by his open and manly avowal of his sentiments, and the firmness with |