may contribute much, not only to the speedy conclusion of a peace, but to the framing such a peace as may be firm and long lasting.

With great respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

I went in the evening to Mr. Oswald's lodging with my letters: when he informed me his intention was to return immediately hither from England, and, to make the more dispatch in going and returning, he should leave his carriage at Calais, as the embarking and debarking of carriages in the packet boats often occasioned a tide's delay. I did not Inquire the reason of this movement. We had but little conversation, for Mr. Grenville coming in, I soon after wished him a good journey, and retired, that I might not interrupt their consultations.

Since his departure, Mr. Grenville has made me a visit; and, entering into conversation with me, exactly of the same tenor with the letters I formerly received from Mr. Hartley; stating suppositions that France might insist on points totally different from what had been the object of our alliance; and that, in such case, he should imagine we were not at all bound to continue the war to obtain such points for her, &c. I thought I could not give him a better answer to this kind of discourse, than what I had given in - two letters to Mr. Hartley; and, therefore, calling for those letters, I read them to him. He smiled and would have turned the conversation: but I gave a little more of my sentiments on the general subject of benefit, obligation, and gratitude. I said, I thought people had often imperfect notions of their duty on those points, and that a state of obligation, was, to many, so uneasy a state, that they became ingenious in finding out reasons and arguments to prove they had been laid under no obligation at all, or that they had discharged it, and they too easily satisfied themselves with such arguments. To explain, clearly, my ideas on this subject, I stated a case: A. a stranger to B. sees him about to be imprisoned for a debt by a merciless

1

creditor: he lends him the sum necessary to preserve his liberty. B. then becomes the debtor of A.; and, after some time repays the money. Has he then discharged the obligation? No; he has discharged the money debt, but the obligation remains, and he is a debtor for the kindness of A. in lending the sum so seasonably. If B. should, afterwards find A. in the same circumstances, that he, B. had been in when A. lent him the money, he may then discharge this obligation, or debt of kindness in part, by lending him an equal sum. In part, I said, and not wholly, because when A. lent B. the money, there had been no prior benefit received to induce him to it: and, therefore, if A. should, a second time, need the same assistance, I thought B. if in his power, was in duty bound to afford it to him. Mr. Grenville conceived that it was carrying gratitude very far, to apply this doctrine to our situation in respect to France, who was really the party served and obliged by our separation from England, as it lessened the power of her rival, and relatively encreased her own. I told him I was so strongly impressed with the kind assistance afforded us by France in our distress, and the generous and noble manner in which it was granted without exacting or stipulating for a single privilege, or particular advantage to herself in our commerce or otherwise, that I could never suffer myself to think of such reasonings for lessening the obligation, and, I hoped, and, indeed, did not doubt, but my countrymen were all of the same senti ments. Thus he gained nothing of the point he came to push; we parted, however, in good humor.

His conversation is always polite, and his manner pleasing.

As he expressed a strong desire to discourse with me, on the means of a reconciliation with America; I promised to consider the subject, and appointed Saturday the 1st June, for our conversation, when he proposed to call on me. The same day I received another letter from my old friend Mr. Hartley. Our former correspondence on the subject of peace since the beginning of this year, I have

Hh

kept by itself, as it preceded this, was in the time of the old ministry, and consisted wholly of letters, unmixed with personal conversation. This being the first letter from him under the new ministry, and, as it may be followed by others, which may relate to the negociation, I insert it here, with my answer, and shall continue to insert the future letters I may receive from him, relative to the same subject.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, May 3, 1782.

I WRITE to you only one line, just to inform you that a general order is issued, by our government, for the release of all the American prisoners every where. I have had this from lord Shelburne, who informed me that the order was not partial or conditional, but general and absolute. I heartily congratulate you upon this first step towards sweet reconciliation. I hope other things will follow. I have had a long conversation with lord Shelburne, relating to America, in which he expressed himself in most favorable terms. I shall have the honor of seeing and conversing with him again. But at present, as you know, certain matters are depending from your side of the water. Mr. Laurens is entirely at liberty. I see him very frequently, and when you see him he will tell you many things from me, which have occurred to me in the course of my poor endeavors to promote the cause of peace. Da pacem Domini in diebus nostris.

Your affectionate, &c.

Answer of Dr. Franklin to the preceding.

D. H.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, May 13, 1782.

I HAVE just received your favor of the 3d instant. I thank you much for the good news you give me that "an order is issued by your government for the release of all the American prisoners every where, an order not partial · or conditional, but general and absolute." I rejoice with

you in this step, not only on account of the unhappy cap. tives, who by it will be set at liberty and restored to their friends and families, but as I think it will tend greatly towards a reconciliation, on which alone the hope of a du. rable peace can be founded. I am much indebted to your good brother, for a very kind and obliging letter, which was mislaid when it should have been answered. I beg you will present to him my thankful acknowlegements and my very sincere respects. I join with you most heartily in the prayer that ends your letter. Da pacem Domini in diebus

nostris.

I am ever, my friend,

Your most affectionate,

B. FRANKLIN."

Our business standing still at present till the return of Mr. Oswald, gives me a void that I may fill up with two or three circumstances, not at present connected with this intended treaty, but which serve to shew something of the disposition of courts who have, or may have a concern in it.

Mr. Jay had written to me, from time to time, of the unaccountable delays he had met with since his residence at the court of Spain, and that he was now no nearer in the business he had been charged with, than when he first arrived. Upon the first coming of Mr. Oswald, and the apparent prospect of a treaty, I wrote to press his coming hither; and being a little out of humor with that court, I said, "they have taken four years to consider whether they would treat with us; give them forty, and let us mind our own business;" and I sent the letter under cover to a person at Madrid, who, I hoped, would open and read it. It seems to me that we have, in most instances, hurt our credit and importance, by sending all over Europe begging alliances, and soliciting declarations of our independence. The nations, perhaps from thence, seem to think, that our independence is something they have to sell, and that we don't offer enough for it. Mr. Adams has succeeded in Holland, owing to their war with England, and a good deal

to the late votes in the commons towards a reconciliation ; but the ministers of other powers refused, as I hear, to return his visits; because our independence was not yet acknowleged by their courts. I had heard here, by good luck, that the same resolution was taken by several of them, not to return the visits I should make them (as they supposed) when I was first received here as minister plenipotentiary, and I disappointed their project by visiting none of them. In my private opinion, the first civility is due from the old resident, to the stranger and new-comer. My opinion indeed is good for nothing against custom, which I should have obeyed, but for the circumstances that rendered it more prudent to avoid disputes and affronts, though at the hazard of being thought rude or singular. While Į am writing, something ridiculous enough on this head has happened to me. The count du Nord, who is son to the empress of Russia, arriving at Paris, ordered, it seems, cards of visit to be sent to all the foreign ministers. One of them, on which was written, le compte du Nord et le prince Bariatinski, was brought to me. It was on Monday morning last, being at court the next day, I enquired of an old minister, my friend, what was the etiquette, and whether the count received visits. The answer was, "Non; en se fait ecrire : voila tout." This is done by passing the door, and ordering your name to be writ on the porter's book. Accordingly, on Wednesday, I passed the house of prince Bariatinski, embassador of Russia, where the count lodged, and left my name on the list of each. I thought no more of the matter; but this day, May 24th, comes the servant, who brought the card, in great affliction, saying, he was likely to be ruined by his mistake in bringing the card here, and wishing to obtain from me some paper, of I know not what kind, for I did not see him. In the afternoon came my friend, M. le Roy, who is also a friend of the prince's, telling me how much he, the prince, was concerned at the accident: that both himself and the count had great personal regard for me and my character; but that our independence not being yet acknowleged by the court of Russia,