Lapas attēli

the purse.

status quo of the 27 nations of the world that are privileged nations against the rest of the members of the United Nations that are underprivileged. That there is a great deal of resentment in part of the world as to our Western concept of international law.

Therefore, a world of law must have the cooperation of others, and that is why, Senator Clark, I do not quite believe that 18 nations meeting at Geneva can create a world of law themselves, because I think we need the support of many nations whose concept of world law may be different than ours, and they are afraid that we are going to create the status quo of the privileged powers.

I think for illustration we are going to have long and very strained feelings. I think one of the greatest problems that the United Nations faces today is the rivalry for the sea that will be somewhat like the rivalry of the colonies in Asia and Africa. As the nations are now drilling in the shallow North Sea, they are now planning to go 10,000 feet into the Pacific to get cobalt and nickel and so on. My theory has been that the United Nations must have sovereignty of its own and it must have its own taxing power. It must have the power

of I would like to see the United Nations lay title to the sea beyond the Continental Shelf and be able to license, and that would give it a great source of revenue. Engineers and oceanography are considering it. Your rule of law must be broad enough to make possible such great administrative tasks.

Senator CLARK. You could achieve the same result, could you not, if the nations would agree to impose a very small tax on international trade to be collected by the United Nations for its benefit.

Mr. EICHELBERGER. That is right, Senator, but I am disturbed about the threat to peace that is going to come from a rivalry for the food and fisheries and raw material and the oil in the sea bed, unless the United Nations acts, just as I was concerned that we might have a great rivalry in outer space until the nations proceeded to carry world law to outer space.

My final conclusion is I certainly would not want us in any way to give the impression that we are being escapists from the fact that above everything else, above the rule of law, is the willingness of nations to consider the United Nations the foundation of foreign policy rather than an instrument of convenience. I am afraid the great powers today, including our own in certain circumstances that have been mentioned this morning, want to use the United Nations where they are sure they can win and are not willing to try the United Nations where they are not quite sure what the results might be, and whether there is a long process that they at least should expose the United Nations even though they must act unilaterally at this time.

I would like to commend you, sir, and your colleagues for a resolution which cannot help but speed up the executive branch and have great educational effect in this country and elsewhere, and I would hope it will have its effect in San Francisco on June 26.

Senator CLARK. Thank you very much, Mr. Eichelberger.
Senator Church?

Senator CHURCH. I just want to say that you have brought some very interesting suggestions to this committee. It is ohvious that vou have thought not only in broad concepts about the United Nations,

but in detailed practical ways that the United Nations might be strengthened, and I think that your testimony will be most helpful to us in considering this resolution.

Senator CLARK. So be sure to put it in writing, will you?
Senator CLARK. Thank you, sir.



Senator CLARK. Our next witness is Mr. C. Maxwell Stanley, president of the Stanley Engineering Co. of Muscatine, Iowa, appearing on behalf of the United World Federalists.

Mr. Stanley, we are very happy to welcome you here today. I appreciate your willingness to come. I see you have a relatively brief prepared statement which will be printed in full in the reocrd. Will you hit the highlights on it in your 10 minutes?

Mr. STANLEY. Yes, Senator Clark. I would ask that my statement be placed in the record as if read.

Senator CLARK. That will be done.

Mr. STANLEY. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am C. Maxwell Stanley of Muscatine, Iowa, president of United World Federalists, Inc., and appearing on its behalf.

I am a professional engineer and businessman. My professional career has been spent principally as the senior executive of Stanley Engineering Co. With offices in Muscatine, Wash., Cleveland, and Chicago in the United States, and in Monrovia, Liberia, and Lagos, Nigeria, we are a large firm of consulting engineers practicing in Africa and South America, as well as in the United States. I am also chairman of the board of the Home-O-Nize Co., a manufacturer of office furniture, and its subsidiary, the Prime Mover Co., a manufacturer of material handling equipment, both of which engage in export business in addition to serving the U.S. market.

For 20 years, my avocation has been foreign policy, particularly as it is related to finding a path to a secure peace with freedom. In pursuit of this avocation, I have been a member of the executive council of the United World Federalists since 1947, including 3 years as chairman and 3 as president. Since 1954 I have been a member of the council of the World Association of World Federalists and have served as chairman since 1959. I was a cofounder of the Strategy for Peace Conferences and currently sponsor and chair these meetings. Since 1960 I have served on the Division of Peace and World Order of the Board of Christian Social Concerns of the Methodist Church.

I have endeavored by travel, reading, and study to be informed in the fields of foreign relations, the United Nations, international organizations, disaramament and arms control, economic development and the achievement of world peace through world law. I have participated in numerous national and international conferences and discussions on such topics. I am the author of "Waging Peace," a businessman looks at U.S. foreign policy.

The United World Federalists Inc. is a nonpartisan, nonprofit membership organization incorporated under the laws of the State of New

York. We have 20,000 members drawn from every State in the Union and we have 120 organized chapters.

Among our officers and members of our advisory board are: The Honorable Jerry Voorhis, former Congressman from California; Ambassador George V. Allen; Hon. Theodore R. McKelden, former Governor of Maryland; Hon. Robert B. Meyner, former Governor of New Jersey; Norman Counsins; Grenville Clark; Walter Reuther; Paul Walter, and many other leaders from the field of business, labor, education, religion, the arts, and the professions.

We appear today in support of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32. This resolution is directed to the most important unanswered question facing U.S. foreign policy today; namely, a thorough and specific determination of the kind of international authority that the United States deems necessary and is ready to advocate in order to implement our stated national goal of:

A world which is free from the scourge of war and the danger and burden of armaments; in which the use of force has been subordinated to the rule of law; and in which international adjustments to a changing world are achieved peacefully (title I, sec. 2, Public Law 87–297, 87th Cong.).

The following is quoted from "The Goals of UWF”: The goal of United World Federalists is lasting world peace. Peace is more than the absence of war. Peace is more than disarmament, though disarmament is essential to peace. Peace requires that a world community of nations substitute the processes of law for armed conflict in settling disputes, as individuals have learned to do at home. Peace demands a worldwide system of justice, law, and order. The alternative is continued existing international anarchy.

The following is quoted from a UWF resolution adopted in June 1964:

United World Federalists urges support of congressional action providing for immediate initiation of high-level studies within the executive branch and with the cooperation of the legislative branch of the Government, or otherwise as Congress shall decide, to determine what changes in the charter of the United Nations or other actions, would best promote the interest of the United States in achieving just and lasting peace through the development of enforceable world law.


We further urge our Government to encourage like action by other nations with a view to holding a United Nations Charter Review Conference as soon as such a conference would appear to have a reasonable prospect of taking effective action, or taking other proper steps toward enforceable world law.”

Our support of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is thoroughly consistent with our objectives which are identical with the stated goal of the United States, as quoted above from Public Law 87–297. UWF goes beyond this broad statement of goal and gives attention to the institutions and procedures needed to achieve the goal. We also urge that the United Nations be revised and strengthened to serve as an international authority to keep the peace, once it is achieved.

Never has man faced a more difficult task than the achievement of "a world which is free from the scourge of war and the danger and burden of armaments; in which the use of force has been subordinated to the rule of law; and in which international adjustments to a changing world are achieved peacefully.

The achievement of this goal will test our patience, determination, and skill over a long period of time. We must change the traditional and accepted patterns by which nations now practice foreign policy and diplomacy backed by the use or threat of force. We must create a strong international or supranational authority. We must delegate

to it the power, adequate but limited, to keep the peace, to settle the differences of nations, and to safeguard disarmament-in short to subordinate the use of force to the rule of law.

The purport of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is not only to support the President in his efforts to achieve such objectives, but to request the formulation of specific proposals for the guiding of our foreign policy toward the achievement of them.

We believe the adoption of this resolution to be beneficial to the interests of the United States of America in its quest for a secure peace with freedom and justice for the following reasons:

1. It will add the weight of congressional support to the efforts of the President to achieve a safeguarded peace through the development of an international authority capable of permanently keeping the peace. Although foreign policy is the responsibility of the President, the Congress can play an important and creative role in developing a positive U.S. foreign policy.

2. It will initiate more intensive study and research of specific and detailed proposals for the implementation of the foreign policy objectives of the United States regarding the establishment of an international authority to keep the peace. Without more intensified study and research, the United States can never provide the leadership needed to accomplish its objectives. Without such research, we will continue to be caught short and be forced to react rather than be in a position to act. Without such research, we are unable to translate our overall aspirations into the more specific precepts which are necessary both to inform our citizens and to gain the acceptance of the world.

3. It will stimulate parallel private research and study within the United States, which will add to the Nation's knowledge and it will accelerate the dissemination of knowledge to the public. For too long the public has been "spoon fed” with too little information on the difficulty and complexity of developing the required international authority and procedures. There is general public acceptance of broadly stated foreign policy objectives such as world law and order, but there is a paucity of comprehension of the meaning of such aspirations and of the steps and action required to achieve them.

4. It will balance to our stance before the world at a time when the President has found it necessary to utilize force to achieve certain objectives of our foreign policy. Just as the American eagle clutches arrows in one claw and an olive branch in the other, our foreign policy needs a “peace” vector as well as a "power" vector. If we are wise, the "peace" vector will be more than just the negotiations and political settlement of the current conflict. How much stronger our position if our "peace" vector be a sound, vigorous, consistent endeavor to develop an international authority capable of permanently keeping a secure peace

with freedom. 5. It will encourage other nations to initiate or to intensify their study and research of the processes by which the required international authority can be developed to achieve a safe and secure peace. Most nations have done little or nothing to organize study and research of the problems of peace. Action which can bring such a response from other nations not only adds to the sum total of knowledge on the subject but allows other nations to better inform their citizens.

6. It will lessen the chance that the United States becomes so dependent upon the use of force that we neglect our simultaneous efforts to advocate stronger international institutions as the only permanent assurance of secure and safe peace. The implementation of broader foreign policy objectives, as envisioned in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 can serve as a constant reminder that, although the use of force may be deemed necessary in certain situations, prior to the establishment of a suitable international authority, force itself will not bring the peace and security which we and the world seek.

For the above stated reasons, United World Federalists, Inc., urge the adoption now of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32.

This hearing is held at a time of crisis when the United States has used force unilaterally both in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. Both situations emphasize once again that the world lacks international or supranational institutions and procedures to effectively deal with threats to the peace and security of nations. They demonstrate again that the world of 1965 is one of international anarchy in which power dominates.

As the most powerful Nation in the world, we carry a heavy burden. The judicial and effective use of our power is a difficult and precarious task. Despite our pronounced dedication to the achievement of secure peace, any unilateral use of force by the United States is criticized both at home and abroad.

With sober reflection upon these facts, the Congress of the United States is urged to act now in this the international cooperation year and on the 20th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, to initiate proposals which will define our requirements for a suitable international authority, hopefully a strengthened United Nations.

The adoption and implementation of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is a fundamental prerequisite to the achievement of our national goals. We will never achieve a secure peace with freedom until we erect the edifice of an adequate international authority. We cannot build such an authority, nor can we convince ourselves and others that it must be built until we have a plan for its construction. The proposals called for in this resolution are a start toward such a plan.

I appreciate this opportunity to express the views of United World Federalists, Inc., in support of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32.


I would now like to make a few comments. The United World Federalists support wholeheartedly Senate Resolution No.32. I would like to call the attention of the committee of the Senate and of Congress to the statement of purpose of foreign policy which is contained in Public Law 87–297, section 2.

The ultimate goal of the United States is a world which is free from the scourge of war and the dangers and burdens of armaments, in which the use of force has been subordinated to the rule of law, and in which international adjustments to a changing world are achieved peacefully.

We believe that Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 32 will advance the United States toward the achievement of this goal.

Senator CLARK. Mr. Stanley, what is that statute you were reading from? Is that the statute creating the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency?

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