Lapas attēli

Approximately one thousand world affairs scholars, some of them among the most eminent in their fields and specialties, have contributed to the studies of the Conference Upon Research and Education (CURE) during the past 12 years. A report of our studies appears in the book "Freedom in a Federal World," a copy of the third edition of which I am forwarding under separate cover.

It contains many specific suggestions for the solution of particular problems, which indicate at the very least that solution to such problems are possible. I particularly recommend the attention of your committee to "Chapter 10, An American Purpose," which seeks to define the logical role of our Nation in today's history. Additional copies of this book are available to your committee on request from this office.

What seems clearest of all is that a continued reliance by the United States on methods of power politics which might have been appropriate 60 years ago but are obsolete now will slowly but surely lead to a situation in which catastrophe is unavaidable. This fact is not incidental to the purpose of your hearings on Senate Concurrent Resolution 32, but central. We have got to screw up our courage to do something sensible about the circumstances we are in, or else resign ourselves to an almost inevitable self-destruction of our civilization. I believe that psychologists will support this assertion even more emphatically than political scientists.

There is a good deal of wisdom in the U.S. Congress today, as there was among the men who took the steps leading toward the Constitutional Convention of 1787. If there is among you a sense of destiny, it will surely impel you to support the resolution on which you are holding these hearings.

Thank you for your courtesy in considering this statement.
Sincerely yours,

Executive Director.


In these days of acute international crises, it is particularly important that the United States give evidence that it is seeking ways of strengthening world organization to the end that such crises may either be prevented altogether, or at least solved without resort to war. The United States should be bending every effort toward achieving world disarmament, a reliable and reliably financed world peace force, and means for the peaceful resolution of international conflicts which can eventually make both national armed forces and the use of United Nations armed force unnecessary.

Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is a step in this direction. It suggests studies going far beyond those of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and includes the institutions corollary to disarmament; i.e., for supervising the disarmament process, maintaining order in a disarming and eventually disarmed world, and establishing world law adequate for ensuing peace. Too little attention to these corollary problems has been one reason for the failure of the disarmament negotiations to date. Nations are unlikely to undertake any but token disarmament until they are assured that their vital interests will be protected under the rule of world law.

The United States should make the study called for in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 and declare its willingness to support the establishment of certain institutions of peace and to adhere to them and, when necessary, to be controlled by them, as it would expect others to do. Other governments should also initiate this kind of study as proposed in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32, and recommend institutions of peace which they would find acceptable and to which they would be willing to bow as they would expect others to do. These would be great steps toward a dynamic but stable peace. The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, therefore, urges the passage of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32.

Washington, D.C.



The American Veterans Committee believes that Senate Concurrent Resolution 32, the planning-for-peace resolution, is a forward-looking step toward better peacekeeping machinery in our troubled world.

At our most recent national convention (June 1964), we resolved:

"Only the progressive subordination of national sovereignty to a democratic world government operating under and implementing world law can ultimately and permanently eliminate the heavy burdens of national armaments and the scourge of international warfare, and permit the full development of human freedom. Because of its successful experience with federalism, its worldwide position of material and moral strength and its desire for peace, the United States, by precept and example, should take the lead in promoting the ultimate subordination of national authority to that of the United Nations on a progressive basis that will enhance our freedom and well-being."

In another section of our platform we declared: "We fully support a United Nations police force as one of the important contributions to peacekeeping in the world." We also declared: "Despite the difficulties and the slow pace of disarmament negotiations, the United States should continue forcefully and imaginatively to negotiate for both general and complete disarmament with proper safeguards and control."

Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is important because it gives the Congress an opportunity to express its views on these issues. Our Presidents have on many occasions, as the resolution recalls, stated American policy on matters of disarmament and security. But these are difficult questions, and it is essential that nations everywhere should know that on them there exists a broad American consensus. Adoption of this resolution could greatly help achieve this objective. Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 is also important, however, because it goes beyond mere reaffirmation of existing U.S. policy. It encourages the executive branch to undertake the imaginative and creative thinking on peacekeeping problems in which otherwise it might hesitate to engage. Peace is not easily secured, as we all know, and to achieve it requires as many fresh ideas and new approaches as do the latest developments in the art of war.


We support the principles included in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 and call attention to "An Appeal to All Governments and Peoples" by the Third Assembly of the World Council of Churches which was affirmed by our International Convention of Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ) in 1962:

"Today, war itself is a common enemy. War is an offense to the nature of man. The future of many generations and the heritage of ages past hang in the balance. They are now easy to destroy, since the actions or miscalculations of a few can bring about a holocaust. They are harder to safeguard and advance, for that requires the dedicated action of all. Let there be restraint and self-denial in the things which make for war, patience, and persistence in seeking to resolve the things which divide, and boldness and courage in grasping the things which make for peace."

The previous year our convention commended: "the President of the United States for asserting leadership in this grave hour to the end that all of the nations of the United Nations be called to work ceaselessly for 'general and complete disarmament' under a system of inspection within the framework of the United Nations; and in keeping with this high goal we express our gratitude to the Congress and the President for establishing a U.S. Agency for Disarmament and urge that in the year ahead it be given strength and resources so that in the world of nuclear weapons it may become a primary agency for the protection of the peace and security of the citizens of the United States;"

Our support for planning for peace is further demonstrated in a resolution passed in 1957. Most of these goals are the goals of our Government and one of them (the test ban treaty) already has been achieved. Being fully aware of the difficulties involved in moving from principle to practice we would reaffirm the following:

"The immediate task is that of encouraging the process of universal disarmament. The time for beginning is now. Every moment we wait increases the

complexity and difficulties surrounding disarmament. Even the smallest step taken now is of crucial importance in helping to stem an armaments race which must finally eventuate in disaster if not stopped. As a beginning then Christians may call upon the governments of the world:

"A. To set up now at least the first stages of an international inspection system under the United Nations to guarantee that disarmament agreements made are being kept and thus to reduce the danger of surprise attacks, and begin to reduce the uncertainty, fear, and mistrust which stands in the way of further disarmament;

"B. To forego, for at least a trial period, the testing of nuclear weapons of mass destruction;

"C. To proceed by negotiation, if possible, or by the action of individual states if necessary, in the reduction of conventional arms and armies on a step-by-step 'basis;

"D. To support the establishment of a permanent unarmed United Nations peace agency for the reporting and inspection necessary under disarmament agreements as well as for the control of border incidents and irresponsible military adventuring;

"E. To seek with all haste minimum agreements outlawing production in quantity and storage of long-distance missiles, and to work out a careful inspection program under the United Nations designed to assure that such agreements would be observed;

"F. To consider the possiblity of developing "demilitarized zones" separating the major antagonists in the cold war, provided the consent of nations in these areas is received;

"G. To explore the possibilities of the production of nuclear materials for peaceful purposes only under a system of international inspection and control; "H. To place under the United Nations further explorations of outer space so as to assure mankind that these scientific advancements will be used for peaceful purposes.”

In addition to the peacekeeping and disarmament emphasis in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 we would like to add to it a world war on poverty, ignorance, and disease. This too has long been a goal of the Government as well as the churches in the United States. President Johnson's war on poverty at home has fired the imagination of the American people. We support the President in this war. But in his speech at Johns Hopkins University and on numerous other occasions he also has stated that the "war on poverty" is a worldwide concern. We support the President in this war too and firmly believe that in planning for peace we cannot fail to take account of this significant cause of unrest, revolution, and war.

To this end we support the declaration by the World Council of Churches that: "There is a great opportunity for constructive action in the struggle for world development. To share the benefits of civilization with the whole of humanity is a noble and attainable objective. To press the war against poverty, disease, exploitation, and ignorance calls for greater sacrifice and for a far greater commitment of scientific, educational, and material resources than hitherto. In this common task, let the peoples find a positive program for peace, a moral equivalent for war."


Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the American Association of University Women is an organization with a membership of over 166,000 women, organized in 1,562 branches in the 50 States, Guam, and the District of Columbia. The objectives outlined in Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 parallel those listed in the association statements of principle and the association legislative program. Both documents were accepted without dissent by the last convention of the American Association of University Women.

The AAUW statements of principle related to Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 read:

"We favor a positive attitude in the conduct of American foreign policy in order to build a world atmosphere of harmony and cooperation. We believe an informed public opinion is necessary for support of a constructive foreign policy. "We endorse continued efforts to establish an effective system for worldwide

limitation of arms and will support programs to achieve this objective so long as they are consistent with national security. We favor constructive efforts toward an international agreement to control testing of nuclear weapons and to establish the principle of freedom of outer space subject to regulation for its use.

"We reaffirm our faith in the United Nations as a flexible and viable institution for the achievement of international cooperation. We will continue to support measures to make the U.N. and its affiliated agencies more effective, and will oppose measures which would impair their present strength.

"We endorse expansion of support for sound bilateral and multilateral programs of economic and social development and technical aid in order to foster mutual assistance, to promote the development of emerging nations, and to help in building a world of progress and peace.

"Since knowledge can grow only through the free exchange of information and experience, we will encourage an increase in the international interchange of technicians, professional workers, scholars, and students."

The related legislative items read:

"Support of measures for effective participation in and operation of the United Nations and its affiliated agencies.

"Support of measures for a constructive foreign policy implemented under existing constitutional provisions and designed to develop conditions favorable to democracy, economic and social well-being, security, and peace throughout the world by working for such objectives as—

"Liberalizing international trade; expanding and improving programs for sound technical assistance and economic and social development for developing countries; cooperating with other countries in the further development and use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes; developing international understanding: through dissemination of information, exchange of students, teachers, and other professional groups, and a broad reciprocal cultural relations program; and providing for international agreement to restrict to peaceful purposes the exploration and use of outer space."

Over the years it has been the expressed hope of the association's committees that the Connally amendment be repealed and that the International Court of Justice become a stronger, more influential world tribunal.

In the words of our own resolution, we believe informed public opinion (whether at home or abroad) about the objectives of this Nation in the struggle for world peace is necessary to its achievement.

The association joins the many Members of the Senate who are sponsors of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 in urging its adoption.


I am A. J. G. Priest, a professor of law at the University of Virginia. I practiced law in Boise, Idaho, for 5 years and in Wall Street for 28 years and I have been teaching at the University of Virginia since 1953. I am a founder and past commander of the Boise, Idaho, post of the American Legion and much of my practice was in the public utility field, as an advocate of private enterprise. Perhaps I can be considered an eclectic conservative.

I am one of the founders of United World Federalists, Inc., and have served as a member of its national executive council since the organization was formed. I have been chairman of that council and chairman of the group's executive committee. The objects of United World Federalists seem to me wholly consonant with the proposals of section 2 of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32, which I commend to you without any trace of reservation.

To adapt the analogy used by Ambassador Arthur Dean and other American representatives at the Geneva disarmament conferences, the familiar implement which must be used as we lead the world toward peace is a three-legged stool. One leg is disarmament to be achieved as rapidly as shall be consistent with the best interests of the planet and its peoples; the second leg is that inspection or verification so necessary at this stage of the world's development; and the third leg is the immediate establishment of the institutions contemplated by your resolution, all of them urgently required for the intelligent implementation of peace, for the survival of our harried species.

As a patriotic American, I am ambitious for my Nation's ascendancy economically, militarily in the present state of planetary affairs and, particularly and poignantly, morally. The world and its peoples look to us eagerly and hungrily

for moral leadership and we can best begin to provide it by adopting the proposals of section 2 of Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 as the very keystone of the arch of American foreign policy.

I think your committee can win an honored place in history if it will adopt Senate Concurrent Resolution 32 with an overwhelmingly favorable report so ringingly eloquent and persuasive that there will be no question as to its approval by the Congress.

I wish you godspeed in your role as instruments of decency, wholeness, and destiny.


Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations,

U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C.

Philadelphia, May 13, 1965.

DEAR SIR: I respectfully urge yon and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to vote favorably in support of Senator Clark's "planning for peace" resolutionSenate Concurrent Resolution 32. As stated in this resolution, our national policy under both Republican and Democratic administrations has been to work toward enforceable worldwide law to outlaw war and weapons.

The intended effect of this resolution is to implement our statement of high principles by formulating definite proposals and mechanics for effectively carrying out these high ideals.

At a time when we seem to be resorting more and more to force as an instrument of our foreign policy, it is important that we should remember the olive branch in our national emblem, and take steps in that direction.

Would you please be good enough to include this letter in the record of your committee's hearings on this resolution.

Respectfully yours,

Washington, D.C.


Chicago, Ill., May 10, 1965.

DEAR SENATOR FULBRIGHT: I ask that the following be included in the record of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings on Senate Concurrent Resolution 32.

I favor Senator Clark's resolution called Planning for Peace. I think the Senate should authorize a study to be made of what charter revisions are necessary, so that we do not go off half-cocked.

I am a Republican and am greatly distressed that no Republican Senators have initially sponsored this resolution. To me this matter of United Nations Charter review is too technical to be decided on by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee or by the full Senate. It must be studied by a special team authorized by the Senate, I understand that this law will accomplish that result.

We must be supple and flexible in our positions in regard to U.N. Charter review. At the same time, we must look out for the security of the United States. The best way I think this can be accomplished is to pass this resolution and have the problem of charter review studied for the Senate.

I have four small boys, and I don't want them to serve 4 years in the U.S. Marines as I did if it can be possibly be helped. I think the United Nations is the only answer, but I think it is not rightly constituted now, and I can almost sympathize with some Birchers who feel averse to the U.N. as it is now set up. We must learn how it should be set up and then how we go about using our influence to secure this.

I appreciate your consideration of my views.

Respectfully yours,



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