have been coal miners-teaches us that one thing is characteristic of that occupation, namely, that at about sixty or even earlier the coal miner, who is still an athlete in strength and spirit, finds himself, because his lungs have become so vitiated by breathing the air of the coal mine, unable to longer pursue his avocation, he must find some other employment if he would save his life. Usually coal mining as conducted is the single industry of the community in which it exists, and the coal miner who no longer can go down to the mines is thrown on the scrap-heap; but he could do a little trucking if the conditions were favorable. Most of them do a little gardening throughout their entire lives. At sixty, however, he is up against this condition that makes it necessary for him to get a living out of two or three acres of land. He is perhaps possessed of a little cottage and this amount of land which has cost him probably two or three hundred dollars. Now, without transportation, how is he able to make the excess product of his small acreage bring him in sufficient calico, molasses, sugar and other manufactured necessities of life? He has to buy not only the cottage and a few acres with it, but his own transportation system, which means a horse and wagon and a barn The outlay to take on these makes the whole enterprise prohibitive. It means a monthly charge almost as great as that required for the support of himself and wife in their declining days.

It seems to me that this is not an extravagant picture. I can see that old miner at fifty or sixty thrown on the scrap-heap by the intense industrial demand of our times in the cities and in the mines, looking forward to live as a trucker with a few acres and a cottage. I can see him marketing his excess products with the aid of the postal van, and with the aid of the advertising mediums of the country finding ways to study the market for such products as he himself is unable to consume at home.

These things are worth while, and they go to the question of the high cost of living in this country. There is one

thing in the way-only one thing in the way of the consummation of this great program. That is the express companies of the United States. They will have to surrender if the program is carried out to completion.

And why not? Has it not only been the verdict of human history but the verdict of nature as well, that the less efficient has to surrender to the more efficient in the struggles of life and nature? Even human beings endowed by the curse of their Creator with the necessity of earning their bread in the sweat of their faces, when an improved machine is brought in to displace them cannot make complaint against the law; and if that law cannot be suspended in favor of human flesh it should not, I submit, be suspended in favor of the express companies.

Just another suggestion: I need not elaborate the fact of the great influence of lawyers in public affairs and the determination of legislation. But I think the publicist has a fair complaint against them. It is that there is a marked tendency in the lawyer's mind to shirk the hard work of research, of analysis and constructive endeavor when it comes to adjusting the relations of government to industrial affairs. They take refuge in aphorisms, such as "the least government is the best government," "concentration of power," "paternalism," and so forth. These maxims, mostly invented in the eighteenth century, were designed to fight injustice and tyranny and not to defend them; to make government more democratic and its agencies more truly promotive of the public welfare. As adages they served their purposes at the time, but it is hardly sane to accept them now as scientific formulæ for the determination of twentieth century programs of improvement and as. substitutes for the consideration of measures on their merits. That the best modern thought discountenances such incon-siderate use of mere apothegms needs hardly to be proved. In answer to these aphorists I wish only to say that

There is a science of political economy; it speaks with an authority, not to say with a thoroughness of analysis

and breadth of view, which I could not claim. It speaks too, with a responsible sense, a knowledge, of those perplexing varieties and complexities of modern society and industry. It knows that society has never governed itself well by utilizing a single truth or principle to promote its welfare, whether it be laissez-faire, socialism or communism; that society is not a one-idea or a one-fingered institution, but that it possesses aspirations and appropriate organic attributes and powers which it is its duty to utilize for the advancement of the common weal.

No class of society can do as much, perhaps, to sanely guide and promote these great processes as the legal profession.

The President: There will be a reception immediately at the close of this meeting and the Chair hopes you wi'i all remain in the room.

George Whitelock: I move that we adjourn until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock.

The President: Before doing so, I want to request that you will all be here promptly in the morning at 10 o'clock. I deem it of the utmost importance that we meet promptly, in order that we may finish the work and then adjourn and give you all plenty of time to enjoy yourselves.

The motion to adjourn was seconded, and after vote was declared carried.

MORNING SESSION

JULY 2, 1913.

The President: The first thing in order this morning is an address by Honorable A. Mitchell Palmer, Member of Congress from Pennsylvania, on the proposed "Federal Income Tax Laws." Mr. Palmer will not be able to get here before 10.38, and it has been suggested that we take up the business first, and unless there is some objection we will proceed in that order. The Chair hears no objection, and we will so proceed.

The first thing in order is the report of the Committee on Laws.

Thomas Foley Hisky: Shall I read the report?

The President: Perhaps you might read the particular section that we are going to act upon.

Mr. Hisky: It provides for a constitutional amendment whereby there may be elected from the City of Baltimore an additional judge to the Court of Appeals, the constitutional amendment to be submitted in 1914, and the election to take place at the next regular election in 1916.

The President: Does anyone desire to hear that read?

Several members requested the reading of the proposed amendment.

Mr. Hisky: I am quite content to read it. As the reading has been requested with the permission of the Chair, I shall read it.

Certainly.

The President:

The proposed amendment was then read.

An Act to propose an Amendment to Article IV, Part II of the Constitution of this State, by adding a new section to follow Section 14 of said Article, and to be known as Section 14-A, providing for an additional judge of the Court of Appeals from the City of Baltimore, and to provide for submitting the same to the qualified voters of this State for adoption or rejection.

Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, three-fifths of all the members elected to each House concurring, that the following new section be and the same is hereby proposed as an amendment to Article IV, part II, of the Constitution of this State to follow Section 14 of said article, and to be known as Section 14-A, to wit:

Section 14-A. An additional judge of the Court of Appeals shall be elected by the qualified voters of Baltimore City at the General Election to be held in November in the year 1916. After the election of such additional judge the Court of Appeals shall consist of nine judges instead of eight judges, as heretofore; and five of said judges shall constitute a quorum, and no cause shall be decided without the concurrence of at least four. The additional judge to be elected under the provisions of this section shall, in addition to his duties as judge of the Court of Appeals, perform such other duties as the General Assembly shall prescribe. In respect to length of term of office, the time and manner of choosing a successor, the manner of filling vacancies, and in all other respects, the office of additional judge provided for by this Section and the incumbent thereof shall be subject to all the provisions of this Constitution applicable to other judges.

Sec. 2. The foregoing amendment to the Constitution.