means of which to provide an income when farm operations were suspended during the winter, and since the ground was not very fertile and the tillage indifferent, the first returns were so meager that by the autumn of 1894 only 15 of the 28 colonized families remained, the others having removed to near-by towns.

The value of all property purchased was estimated at $20,800, $5,840 of which had been paid in cash April, 1891. Nine months later, the purchases amounted to $89,600, $36,050 of which had been paid in cash January, 1892. According to the Jewish American Yearbook, this had increased to 600 farms, value $2,350,000, of which $1,100,000 had been paid in cash December, 1899. The 600 farms included all the Hebrew farms in New England.

By 1894 the Chesterfield settlement had been increased by the addition of 18 new families, and at the close of that year there were in the colony 33 farms. The population since then has been very unstable, however, and land changes hands frequently, almost always at some profit to the seller. The early days were hard. The colonists were more independent than the Alliance (N. J.) body and felt that they were established on their own resources and were not mere recipients of charitable aid. Agriculture was and is in a very depressed condition in this section of Connecticut. Grain raising is not profitable, hay production is problematic, market gardening is impossible on account of distance to market, and truck growing requires a heavy outlay for fertilizers, while the marketing of produce requires a better system of country roads than New London county possessed in the nineties. Even dairying, which the Hebrews took up first because pasturage was abundant and milk seemed more easy to produce than marketable crops, was a questionably profitable undertaking up to 1897, when the Baron de Hirsch Fund supplied money to build a modern creamery, equipped with steam power and adequate machinery, at Chesterfield. This gave a new impetus to the dairy industry.

Poverty of soil and distance to markets, as well as very poor marketing facilities for the crops that it was possible to raise, were responsible for most of the early desertions. Those who deserted almost invariably sold their farms to resident farmers and hence the land was not abandoned. Often a farmer buys a piece of land, lives on it a few years and, finding himself worth less at the end of that time than at the beginning, sells out to an inexperienced fellow-countryman at some advance, and returns to New York. Owing to these frequent purchases and sales more than to increasing productiveness the land has risen rather rapidly in value. From the beginning the Hebrews have paid the highest prices for land, frequently much more than the land was worth. Among the more recent settlers, those who have come in since 1900, one meets very many who declare they paid much too dearly for their property. One farm originally purchased for $1,200, after three transfers sold for $4,000 to a fourth Hebrew; and the farm has steadily deteriorated in actual productiveness since the first purchase. Not many new farms are being bought, but in general, perhaps 10 per cent or more of the farms change hands every year. Some of the original settlers remain and some have grown comparatively wealthy; they have property in the villages of Colchester and Chesterfield and money

in the banks. Of course, it is impossible to get any accurate account of the securities held by most of them. Those who have stayed through from the beginning have been the better farmers and have almost invariably increased their holdings and added to the permanent improvements.

Of the 24 heads of families in the Chesterfield and Colchester neighborhoods from whom detailed information was secured 20 were born in Russia, 3 in Austria-Hungary, and 1 in Germany. Only 1 came directly from Russia to Connecticut, however, while 22 spent some time in New York City subsequent to their arrival in this country. Nearly all came to Connecticut with some money, and since the majority bought old farms there were fewer privations in the early days of the settlements than in the New Jersey colonies. It took a long time for most of these city-bred people, 90 per cent of whom purchased land immediately on arrival, to master the cultivation and marketing of produce. Several continued their machine tailoring, one had a butcher shop, while others worked as farm laborers or used previous savings for living expenses until they became established. Presently, however, a new industry was started that soon overshadowed legitimate agriculture. This was the summer boarder industry, which is further described under "Agricultural conditions and methods." It has proved a valuable complement to a selfsufficing agricultural system in an isolated district, has given a home market for farm products-eggs, milk, butter, and garden vegetablesand has been a source of social and economic profit. Chesterfield farmers went into this enterprise even more readily than those at Colchester, and it has become so popular that foreigners of other races, notably Bohemians, have engaged in it with considerable success. Even the American farmers are beginning to take summer boarders. The industry is not always satisfactory, but in many instances had it not been for the summer boarder there would have been no possibility of making a living on the farms occupied.

Some of these Colchester and Chesterfield farmers own some of the poorest lands in a locality where not 10 per cent of the farm land is in cultivation. Others have fairly fertile soil, but do not seem rightly to understand farm methods. They are wasteful both of capital goods and of directive energy. In short, their greatest lack is farming efficiency and ability to manage, but nevertheless there are some who seem to be achieving success. In some cases the sons have helped the parents by remaining on the farm and have applied themselves to farming in a businesslike manner. Nearly all of the farmers are intelligent and keen in many ways and desirous that their children shall obtain an education and become independent of the hard life of the farm. Several of the girls have completed courses at the normal schools and are teachers. Several of the farmers' sons have gone to the State Agricultural College, to Williams College, or to Yale University. Others have taken business courses in commercial schools. There is not much enthusiasm for agriculture. To many it is a round of very hard work with very little return, and it is rare indeed to find a Hebrew farmer who, having passed beyond the hand-tomouth existence, is making larger surpluses each year, adding to buildings and improvements, increasing his stock and equipment, and moving steadily upward in the scale of material well-being.

Both at Colchester and Chesterfield the annual increase in number of immigrants is rather small. Ordinarily the changes are not additions, but substitutions. There are plenty of abandoned farms to be bought and bought cheaply; but clearing and putting into tillable shape a farm that for years has been growing up to briars and trees is not a simple problem. The old houses and barns are frequently worse than none, and for years capital put into improvements and fertilizers seems wasted. There are very few good farmers. The Americans who are progressing have better land than the Hebrews, land that has never been allowed to deteriorate, and, moreover, they possess a traditional knowledge of the principles of farming. The Hebrews are neither the best, nor perhaps the least prosperous farmers, but as a whole they have not made agriculture successful in this part of Connecticut.

CHARACTER OF THE COLONISTS.

In the Commission's inquiry in Chesterfield and Colchester detailed schedules were secured from 24 typical Hebrew families. The families investigated included some who had been in the colony since 1890 and some who had settled there as late as 1908. Of the heads of these families only 8 had been engaged in agricultural pursuits in their native countries, while of the remaining 16, 2 were blacksmiths, 2 lumber dealers, 3 were engaged in the liquor trade, 3 were at home or in school, and among the others were a rabbi, a soldier, a shoemaker, a weaver, a charcoal burner, and a clerk in a store. Before coming to the colony these heads of families had followed various occupations in the United States. Nearly one-half were engaged in some branch of the tailoring or garment-making industry while several of the others had been in business of some kind.

All of the heads of families interviewed stated that they had brought some money to the locality. Five brought less than $500, 7 between $500 and $1,000, 7 between $1,000 and $1,500, while 5 reported $1,500 or more. But notwithstanding that the majority were fairly well supplied with money, all but 7 reported that they were obliged to find some outside occupation or otherwise supplement their income from the farm for at least a year-most of them three years or more, and some of them many years. The available occupations were farm labor, machine tailoring, keeping summer boarders, work (for children) in factories, butchering, or dealing in junk. The industrial opportunities in this vicinity, however, are fewer and not so satisfactory as those offered in the New Jersey colonies, and were it not for the summer boarders there would be many more Hebrews who would be obliged to make their farms yield a living or to abandon them; as it is, not more than half of them depend entirely on the income from their farms. A number receive assistance from children who have left the farm home and are employed in the cities in various occupations. These children send home part of their earnings, sometimes for a number of years, to help the old people.

Of the 24 farms studied only one was rented. Of the 23 farms purchased by the settlers 7 are between 40 and 80 acres, 3 between 80 and 100, 8 between 120 and 160, 3 between 160 and 240, and 2

over 240 acres in extent. Although half of these purchases were made since 1900 and 25 per cent of them between 1890 and 1894, no great difference appears, either in the quality of the land or in the quantity bought.

The schedules show that none bought farms totally untillable, but most of them-75 per cent-had less than one-fourth of their acreage in shape or cultivation. The ordinary farm has 15 to 30 acres under plow; few have more than 40 acres in cultivation, including tame-hay land. The remainder is in woodland, pasture, swamp, or wild meadow on which grass can be cut for hay. At the time of purchase the buildings were usually in a bad state of repair; many of them very much dilapidated. In instances these have been much improved, especially those owned by the early arrivals, but in numerous cases little has been done to improve appearances.

The price of land has gone up materially within ten years; hence the averages given in the table which follows are representative neither of the first purchases in the locality nor of the present prices of land. Most of the first purchases were made at $6 to $12 an acre; since 1900 prices have not often been below $10, and $45 and more per acre has been paid for entire farms.

In general the first settlers bought from the native owners, many of whom were glad to get rid of their farms for almost any price, one-third to one-half cash down, the balance on real-estate mortgages drawing 6 per cent interest. The incoming immigrants and the constant demand for farms in these localities raised the price. of farm land very materially. Instances of farms that have been sold to Hebrews at prices 50 to 200 per cent in excess of the value of similar farms in adjoining townships might be multiplied. A good many Hebrews have proved better real-estate traders than tillers of the soil, and there has been a continuous traffic in land between resident and incoming Hebrews since the settlements were established. Each succeeding purchaser of a parcel of land pays more for it than the preceding owner, and while tales of land frauds and deceptions must be taken with some allowance, there is no doubt that many a bad bargain is passed on with interest to the unsophisticated newcomer.

The average first purchase seems to be about 125 acres in size and to have less than one-fourth of its area tillable; $1,600 is probably a good average price for first holdings, but much more is now paid for many farms, although they are not more productive than in 1890.

TABLE 3.-First purchase of land, condition, size of farm, and price paid, Hewbrew settlers, Chesterfield and Colchester, Conn.

THE GENERAL GROWTH OF THE SETTLEMENTS.

The two settlements centered at Chesterfield and Colchester seem to have grown slowly and intermittently from the first. After the first few years the net annual gain was small. Some years there were more desertions than accretions. Not many of the settlers who came prior to 1895 are now on their original holdings; some have moved into Chesterfield, Colchester, or have removed to Hartford or perhaps to New York. On the other hand, especially since the development of the summer-boarder industry, there have been a good many new arrivals, some of whom have made fair livings. A few families came in in 1908 and 1909 and doubtless the influx will continue. As has been noted, there are now about 180 families of Hebrews who have a proprietary interest in the land, according to the tax reports, in the two settlements.

So far as could be learned there were no periods when there was a great exodus of settlers, but from the first the settlement has not been very stable-there have been continual comings and goings. Inability to make a living on the land, either because of the barrenness of the soil, ignorance of cultural methods, or lack of suitable markets is the principal cause assigned for the desertions, but doubtless the isolation of country life in these hill towns contributed to the dissatisfaction. The deserters have in most cases returned to their former occupations and very few retain any property interest in the land they leave.

TOPOGRAPHY, SOIL, AND CLIMATE.

Geologically speaking, Connecticut may be divided into three sections-the eastern highland, the western highland, and the central lowland. The central lowland comprises, in the main, the Connecticut Valley south to Middletown and what may be called the Farmington-Quinnipiac Valley from Middletown southward, ending at New Haven. The highland regions represent very old formations, somewhat worn down and weathered to peneplains; the lowland is a younger formation, partially at least, built by sedimentation. The rough and broken contour of the highland regions is well known. The valleys run north and south and wagon and railroads built in the direction of the slope are fairly level and offer no serious grades or obstructions. But those, on the other hand, built from west to east are a continuous series of abrupt and grave ascents and descents, very costly to build and over which very small loads only can be drawn.

The winding curves of the railroads which run from west to east across the State is evidence of the serious nature of the successive slopes that must be cut down, filled, tunneled, or avoided. There is in the entire section under discussion practically no level land, and because of its unfitness for agriculture increasingly large areas are given up to forests, in places fully 85 per cent of the total area.

The belt of highland running north and south through the State of Connecticut between the Willimantic River on the east and the Connecticut Valley on the west, and including parts of the counties. of New London, Tolland, Middlesex, and Hartford, is one of the roughest and most barren parts of the State. Tolland County is