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open occupancy, compensatory education and training, and intensive labor projects, if necessary. They should include welfare and aid provisions for those unable to work, programs that are modified to help restore social and economic masculinity to the Negro male and establish normal family structure and living patterns. These types of programs are possible in the intermediate-run and can provide largely an affirmative answer to the Negro's insistence on "now." But the achievement of integration in the sense of acculturation or assimilation is a longer-term affair. The realization of integration in this sense requires generations rather than years or even decades. For integration as acculturation can follow only from social contact and social interaction between the Negro and the white. Integration can be achieved only after desegregation and full equality of opportunity break down present barriers to communication and social intercourse.

In the transition to an integrated society, a delicate balance must be attained and maintained between strategies and tactics of conflict and those of consensus. There are those who believe that only or primarily through incessant conflict and the exercise of power can the Negro achieve his rightful place in the economic, social, and political order. Such tactics, however, even if they were to advance the cause of the Negro in the long run—which is doubtful-would not achieve integration in the sense of acculturation. They would, at best, create a separate and solidified Negro community which, while it may be able to win concessions and better its position, will have also helped to create a separate and solidified white community with which it will have to bargain over an indefinite period.

Another alternative, and a preferable one, is the strategy of maximizing the achievement of consensus, even while being prepared to use other tactics as occasion and circumstances may warrant.16 Certainly, in theory, the more the relationship between the Negro and white populations is characterized by consensus rather than conflict, and the more social interaction between them is on an interpersonal rather than group basis, the greater will be the likelihood of integration. In any case, whether conflict or consensus be the main strategy, equal status, as distinguished from equal opportunity, cannot be achieved immediately. Against this perspective “freedom now” makes sense; "equality now," however, is pathetic, wishful fantasy.

The test of whether the United States is a democratic and open society for the Negro will depend on at least three different factors: First, it must become evident that desegregation has been achieved. Second, it must be demonstrated that equality of opportunity has been established. Third, it must be shown that integration of the Negro is possible. Individual human beings, Negro and white, must have the freedom to choose whcther or not they will continue to live in enclaves or in an admixed and integrated community.

The Negro revolt has, thus far, accelerated efforts toward desegregation and the establishment of equality of opportunity for Negro Americans. It has also undoubtedly accelerated the achievement of integration. It remains to be seen, however, whether the course which the revolt follows will continue to promote integration or whether it will produce a solidified Negro community which, as a conflict group, will help to organize a solidified, and perhaps increasingly resistant, white community. It remains to be seen whether the Negro will have the choice, available to white ethnic groups, of continuing to live in enclaves or of living in an admixed and integrated pattern. It remains to be seen whether the Negro community can follow white ethnic immigrants into an increasingly integrated order or whether it will endure as a separate, even if equal, minority group.

In a fundamental sense integration is an American problem, not a Negro problem. Perhaps this country's major contribution to the history of man lies in her demonstration of the ability to achieve unity out of diversity and to maintain an open pluralistic society in which each person can rise from humble origins to limits set only by his own capabilities. Thus far, this demonstration has applied only to our white ethnic groups. To continue to deny the Negro any of the choices which are available to whites is to threaten the very premises, and to undermine the foundations, of our democratic society.

REFERENCES 1. The population data on the Negro American are drawn from the statistics

of the U. S. Bureau of the Census and the National Center for Health Statistics of the U. S. Public Health Service unless otherwise noted. In the interest of economy of space, specific references to sources are avoided. Key references utilized include: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington, D. C., 1960), and Statistical Abstract of the United States (Washington, D. C., annual); Reports of the Decennial Census of Populations Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States (Glencoe, ml., 1959); Conrad and Irene Taeuber, The Changing Population of the United States (New York, 1958); Irene Taeuber, "The American Negro at Mid-Century,” Population Bulletin, Population Reference Bureau, Inc., Vol. 14 (November 1958); and U. S. Public Health Service, Vital Statistics of the United States (Washington, D. C., annual). Data are sometimes for the "Negro" and sometimes for “nonwhite." Since the Negro makes up 90 per cent of the nonwbite for the United States, the statistics are used interchangeably for

the broad analytical purposes of this paper. 2. Population Index, Vol. 29 (April 1963), pp. 197-98. 3. Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted (Boston, 1951), and The Newcomers (Cam

bridge, Mass., 1959); Otis Dudley Duncan and Beverly Duncan, The

Negro Population of Chicago (Chicago, 1957). 4. Otis Dudley Duncan and Stanley Lieberson, "Ethnic Segregation and As

similation, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol 64 (January 1959),

Pp. 364-74.

5. Stanley Lieberson, Ethnic Patterns in American Cities (Glencoe, 11., 1963). 6. Karl and Alma Taeuber, Negroes in Cities Residential Segregation and

Neighborhood Change (Chicago, 1965), Part I (in press). 7. E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States (rev. ed.; New York,

1957). 8. See, for example, Leonard Broom and Norval Glenn, Transformation of

the Negro (New York, 1964). 9. Nathaniel Hare, “The Changing Occupational Status of the Negro in the

United States: An Intracohort Analysis,” unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,

Department of Sociology, University of Chicago, 1962 10. “Statement of Herman P. Miller, Special Assistant, Оfice of the Director,

Bureau of the Census,” Hearings Before the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare on Bills Relating to Equal Employment Opportunity, U. S.

Senate, 88th Cong., 1st Sess., July and August 1963. 11. Ibid.; see also Paul M. Siegel, “On the Cost of Being a Negro, Sociological

Inquiry, Vol. 35 (Winter 1965), pp. 41-57. 12. Mollie Orshansky, “Counting the Poor: Another Look at the Poverty Pro

file," Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 28 (January 1965), pp. 3–29. 13. These data derived from Table 8 in ibid.,


19. 14. Karl and Alma Taeuber, op. cit., Ch. V. 15. See Thomas F. Pettigrew's article, "Complexity and Change in American

Racial Patterns: A Social Psychological View," in this volume. 16. Philip M. Hauser, “Conflict vs. Consensus Woodlawn's Case,” Chicago

Sunday Sun-Times, Viewpoint, December 13, 1964.


U.S. Will Train Negroes In South to Cut Migration

Federal Project for Unemployed Poor Will Be Tied to Industrial Expansion, Regional Plan Association Is Told


New York Times
November 11, 1966



A forthcoming Federal pro- tives, if need be. Companies gram to try to provide jobs would have to file monthly for Negroes in the South progress reports, and binding and thus hold down the Negro arbitration would be set up in migration northward was dis- the event of alleged noncompliclosed here yesterday by Eu- ance. gene P. Foley, formerly Assist

Mr. Foley, 37-year-ol: ant Secretary of Commerce for Minnesota lawyer, served Economic Development and now Assistant Secretary of Coma Federal consultant.

merce from Sept. 13, 1965, ad"Almost irrespective of what ministering annual programs we do, the Negro ghettos are with $500-million in grants and here to stay for the rest of $170-million in loans. Before this century and perhaps a lot that, he had headed the Small longer," Mr. Foley, told the 21st Business Administration from annual conference of the Regi. Aug. 7, 1963, which said it onal Plan Association at the created 33,000 new jobs through Statler-Hilton Hotel. "Jobs are $100-million in loans. the key to the ghetto problem.” In a luncheon speech to 1,100

Mr. Foley, who retired Oct. 15 of the 2,00 persons at the conand is now a consultant to the ference that caused pro and Economic Development Admin- con corridor debate for hours istration, said that the plan to after, Mr Foley charged “the aid Southern Negroes would be great policy makers of our govput into effect by the agency by ernment” and “academicians" the end of the year. It will in- and “white libcrals" with "a sist that Federal grants or loans form of cultural arrogance." to a community to build in- He asserted they "seem to dustrial facilities call for maxi- insist that the ghetto must mum training and employment develop in their own image and for the local, long-term unem

likeness" in a "patronizing at

titude” that "betrays a lack of ployed—in the South, mostly confidence in the Negroes' deNegroes.

termination and ability to develA local committee-a major- op their own community.” ity of whose members would be Ghetto Problems Cited members of the poverty area

What Negroes want, Mr. would review job plans by aided Foley contended, is to improve companies and offer alterna. their own communities. He held


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the nation was "in grave dan- ing in ghetto areas, and tax
ger” of permitting development credit for bringing jobs to
of generation of young ghettos.
Negroes “bitter, prone to vio- The annual Regional Plan
lence and hateful of all things session also heard Bayard
white" because of understand. Rustin, executive director of
able desperation in pleas for the A. Philip Randolph Insti-

tute, report "leadership meet-
The ghetto problems, he said, ings” scheduled in 6,000 com-
are those of almost every major munities to back a $185-billion
city, at least in the North. The Federal "freedom budget"
typical situation, he said, has proposed Oct. 26 to end poverty
middle- and upper-class whites in 10 years.
moving out, Negroes moving in, "Fundamentally everything
blue-collar jobs Negroes have wrong with the Negro today will
been most trained to fill going disappear when we have plan-
out so that Negro unemploy- ning to provide every family
ment rates rise, demands for head with economic security.”
city services increasing and tax the Negro leader asserted. He
resources decreasing.

added, "short of this there is He credited Amory H. Brad. nothing left but catastrophe,” ford, former president of the and frustration on the part of

with "fear on the part of whites Regional Plan Association and Negroes” former general manager of The

The Regional Plan AssociaNew York Times, as "the key tion is currently developing an person" in development of the over-all plan for a 31-county employment plan concept being tristate study area that extaken up by the Economic De- pects to rise from a population velopment Administration.

of 19 million now to 30 million For the past year, Mr. Brad- by the year 2000. ford has been a special Com- C. McKim Norton, association merce Department consultant in president, said that studies inOakland, Calif., in an experi- dicated that only 20 per cent mental program in which the of the area's families had anE.D.A. has committed $23-mil- nual incomes of $10,000 or more lion in an attempt to create at but that this would rise in least 2,200 permanent jobs. in constant dollar terms to

This is to construct three deep- 70 per cent by the year 2000. water berths with access roads;

This "won't happen autoa new airport hangar; rail spur matically,” Mr. Norton warned. streets and utilitics

for a “We need education to grasp development park, and a new the opportunities," he said, and road. The program includes a a building program for 300 milreview board to "make sure the lion square feet of office space per cent of hard-core unem- to take care of a doubling of ployed given jobs is as high as office jobs. possible." and training and nonprofit civic group and the counselling to enable those em- intergovernmental Metropolitan ployed to rise "as far as they Regional Coucil headed by May want to go.”

Lindsay had started a year's Oakland was eligible for aid study of natural resources and because it lost a great number waste disposal in the region. of jobs in a short time. But This has a $50,000 grant from Harlem, with 20 per cent un- the ld Dominion Foundation. employment, and most ghettos, Walter M. Phillips of Philaare ineligible for E.D.A. funds, delphia, who will head the Mr. Foley said, because of re- consultants' team, told the constrictions requiring an aided ference that the region curren community to be a labor market generates 15 million tons a yea area, a county or a city over of household and commercial 250,000 population.

solid waste. He said this would Mr. Foley urged aid to ghetto more than riple to 47 million areas by easing these area re- tons by the year 2000, and did strictions; a Federal set-aside not include industrial and agriprogram for construction ex- cultural waste and discarded clusively for companies locat- motor vehicles.

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