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In fact, as Siegel has demonstrated, the higher the Negro's level of education, the greater is the difference between his earnings and that of comparable whites.

Siegel is undoubtedly correct in emphasizing that, in transition at least, the Negro may face more rather than less discrimination. But, it remains true that social contact and interaction with whites increase with advancing education and skills and higher absolute income, despite the greater discrimination or "cost" of being Negro. Higher education will undoubtedly continue to help the Negro, as it did the white immigrant, to break down barriers to assimilation. It is possible, although data are not available to prove this, that the white immigrant may similarly have been more discriminated against in transition as his education and skill increased, even while he was experiencing greater social contact with native whites.

Programs for integration. The implications of the above analysis for policy and programs designed to hasten integration may now be summarized. There are at least two basic sets of factors that retard integration. One is the group of demographic characteristics of the Negro which restrict his participation in the main stream of American life. The second is to be found not in the characteristics of the Negro but in the attitudes and behavior of whites.

The characteristics of the Negro which impede integration include the excessively rapid population growth in urban and metropolitan areas, brought on by high rates of internal migration during the two world wars and now by excessive natural increase. A continuation of this pattern may retard the dispersion of Negro enclaves and thus obstruct social contact and interaction with the white population. Moreover, the high Negro birth rate will tend to retard the upgrading of Negro education and skill by limiting per capita investment in education and training.

In order to break down these demographic barriers to integration it is necessary to decrease Negro birth rates by making available to the Negro community those methods of family planning which are now available to the better educated and more affluent population, for the poor and uneducated should also have the right to determine how many children they will have.

A decrease in the Negro birth rate would simultaneously dampen the rate of Negro population growth, reduce the greater dependency burden that the Negro carries, and permit acceleration in the upgrading of Negro education and skill. It would thus help eliminate poverty, accelerate access to better jobs and earnings, and contribute to the emergence of patterns of living consistent with metropolitanism as a way of life.

Needless to say, a decrease in the birth rate will not automatically produce all these results. It would still be necessary to provide adequate educational and training opportunities at levels and under conditions which would be effective. Current programs designed to improve educational and training opportunities for the "culturally deprived” child are steps in the right direction. But they fall far short, as yet, of providing the education and training necessary to enable every Negro American child to compete in the contemporary, complex economic and social world.

Moreover, such activities must not ignore the Negro adult, and especially the Negro adult male, who may be beyond the age at which it is possible to acquire skills which permit him to make his own way. As an alternative to the dole, serious consideration should be given to the development of intensive labor projects on which such adult Negroes can be usefully employed. In the transition to equal opportunity for the Negro American, it may well be necessary to bear the burden of such programs, despite their low productivity, so that deprived adult Negroes can experience the dignity and income that comes from work, rather than the humiliation and degradation associated with being the recipient of a handout. Opportunity for useful and adequately remunerated work would undoubtedly constitute the major restorative of masculinity and self-respect to the Negro male and, thereby, contribute greatly to the improvement of Negro family structure and organization. It is highly probable that programs of the type suggested would, in the long run, be less expensive than the present combination of inadequate educational and training facilities and wasted human resources resulting from unemployment, welfare and relief, delinquency and crime, and high morbidity and mortality.

Ironically, it may be that the rapid urbanization of the Neg population may lead to the reduction of family disorganization and the restoration of masculinity to the Negro male. But this can come about only if the Negro child is adequately equipped to cope with the urban environment in the coming generation and if, in the transition to equal opportunity, measures are taken to enable the present Negro adult male to fulfill the role which is expected of the male in our society. Unfortunately, not only have no comprehensive programs yet been developed to attain these objectives but, on the contrary, a number of programs exist which tend even further to emasculate the Negro male. Outstanding among them is, of course, the present program of Aid to Families with Dependent Children which, in effect, bolsters the matriarchal family and further denigrates the male. Aid should, of course, be provided to needy mothers and their children but under conditions that would encourage, rather than discourage, the continued presence and participation of the husband and father.

The prevalent pattern of residential segregation constitutes, of course, not only evidence of but a barrier to integration. The massive enclaves of Negro Americans in the central cities of our metropolitan areas are allowing a generation of Negro Americans to be born into a new form of segregation-de facto segregation, Northern style, as contrasted with de jure segregation, Southern style. Residential segregation produces educational segregation, social segregation, and, to a considerable extent, occupational segregation as well

. The Negro is caught in the rigid vise of poverty and residential segregation which imposes isolation from whites and social segregation, which produces educational segregation and inferior education, which restricts occupational and income opportunities, which maintains and reinforces poverty.

For these reasons "open occupancy' has become a crucial element in the push for integration and, without question, will remain a central issue until the Negro is free to choose where he wishes to live. Interestingly enough, the current battle over open occupancy is a battle over symbols rather than reality. It is clear that internal social and economic pressures would prompt Negroes to continue to live in enclaves for some time to come even if there were no barriers to their movement. It must be borne in mind that even the descendents of nineteenth-century immigrants, German, Irish, and Scandinavian, not to mention twentieth-century immigrants and their offspring, still live in voluntary enclaves. There is no reason to believe the situation will be much different for Negroes even when voluntary occupancy becomes a fact. Assimilation and participation in the activities of white society will be achieved only as Negroes become able to avail themselves of the residential opportunities that may open to them and then choose to do so. This will be more difficult for the Negro than for the white immigrant because a fundamental difference will still characterize the Negro who leaves his enclave. Whereas the white who fled his ghetto was also often able simultaneously to flee identification with his ethnic group, the Negro does not have this alternative. He may leave his ghetto but

he cannot, except occasionally, manage to escape racial identification.

The second set of factors which impede integration is not to be found in the characteristics of the Negro so much as in the attitudes and practices of whites. The Negro with education and skill and a compatible style of life is still the object of discriminatory practices and is thus prevented from full participation in American society. Such a Negro, having acquired the necessary conditions for greater social interaction, must still await changes in the dominant white society. The whites must be educated in order to break down their outmoded stereotypes of the Negro, to rectify their distorted image of the new emerging Negro, and to allay their fears of the Negro as a competitor and a neighbor.

The need for massive programs to educate whites has not yet been adequately recognized. Just as it is important to think in terms of "compensatory education” for Negroes because of "cultural deprivation" so, also, it is important to think of "corrective education" for whites because of the rudiments of white supremacy and racism and the distorted image of the Negro which are still to be found in large elements of our population. It requires explicit efforts to correct and to supplement present distorted or inadequate textbooks in the schools at all levels. It is necessary to present an accurate picture of the nature of our pluralistic democratic order, an accurate account of the history of the Negro and other minorities in the United States, an appreciation of the cultures and contributions of our diverse ethnic and racial groups, and an understanding of the place of the United States in the world order and the implications of prejudice and discrimination for our role in international affairs.

The proposed program of corrective education for whites must necessarily be on a massive scale. Although much can be achieved through the efforts of individual scholars, teachers, schools, civis, business, industrial, labor, religious, fraternal, and other private organizations, the government-on the federal, state, and local levels -must also be actively involved. Only the government can provide the financial resources to stimulate, initiate, develop, and conduct the corrective educational programs required. Although the schools are the obvious place to begin, it must be recognized that such efforts will affect the next generation more than the present. The mass media can certainly be mobilized to play a much more important role in educating adult whites than they have yet been called upon to do. A saturation program of corrective education for' whites is without question as important as compensatory edụcation for Negroes to pave the way for an integrated society.

The United States, at long last, has opened the door to the assimilation of the Negro. There are those that believe the problem of integrating the Negro will continue to be different from that of the white immigrants. That there are significant differences in color and cultural background cannot be denied. But it is a serious mistake to assume that the color stigma” is different in kind or even in degree from the stigma which accompanied many of our foreign-white immigrant groups. Prejudice toward, and hatred of, the Negro by the most bigoted of our white supremacists is not unlike the attitude of the Pole who spat upon the ground when a “Christ-killer" Jew appeared upon the scene, or the attitude of the primitive fundamentalist Baptist whose hatred of “papists” similarly reached high levels of intensity, or the attitude of the fanatical orthodox Jew toward a prospective Gentile son-in-law. Stigma has been associated with human differences other than those based on color and with equal fervor, righteousness, and fanaticism. There is evidence in the United States as well as in various other parts of the world, that the color difference can be bridged even as religious and other cultural differences have been bridged, through social interaction and consequent acculturation. Elsewhere in this volume the conditions most conducive to such a development are discussed.15

Strategies and phasing. In mapping strategies and planning programs for accelerating integration it is essential that there be full awareness of the time dimensions that are necessarily involved. Desegregation or admixture can be relatively simply and quickly achieved, as has been amply demonstrated since World War II. The term relatively must be stressed, however, because the desegregation of schools in the South ordered by the United States Supreme Court to take place with "due deliberate speed” has not progressed very far even in the full decade which has elapsed since that historic decision. On the other hand, desegregation of public facilities has been effected more rapidly, and desegregation of the military establishment required merely a military order. Desegregation in all pbases of life should, of course, be pushed as rapidly as possible by education and enlightenment and, if necessary, by legal coercion.

Desegregation can be accompanied with little delay by other programs designed to provide full equality of opportunity for the Negro American. Such programs should include provisions for

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