PART III—AMERICAN SOCIAL PROBLEMS CHAPTER XVIII INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS 103. The extent of strikes and lockouts 1 In any survey of the actual workings of modern industry, the most casual observer must be impressed by the persistence of disagreements between labor and capital. These disagreements take different forms, and are of varying duration and significance. Two of the most serious types of industrial disturbances are strikes and lockouts. Complete data on these industrial phenomena are lacking, but for a number of years the United States Department of Labor has kept a record of strikes and lockouts in this country. The following extract from a report of the Department indicates the extent of strikes and lockouts in the years 1916, 1917, 1918, and 1919: The persistence of in dustrial dis agreements. TABLE I. NUMBER OF STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS, 1916, 1917, 1918, AND 1919 Strikes and lockouts, 1916-1919. Although the number of strikes during 1919 was not appreciably larger than in 1918 and was less than in 1916 or 1917, the number 1 From the United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthly Labor Review. Washington, June, 1920; pp. 200-204. Number of persons involved in labor disputes in the years 1916, 1917, 1918, and 1919. Extent of unionism among the employees involved in 1919. Causes of strikes and lockouts, 1916-1919. of persons on strike during the year 1919 was greatly in excess of the number on strike in any of the three preceding years, due to the number of strikes in which large numbers of persons were involved. The strike in which the largest number of persons was involved in 1916 was the men's clothing strike in New York City in December of that year, involving 60,000 employees. No strike in 1917 involved as many as 40,000 persons. In 1918 the strike involving the largest number of persons was that of machinists in northern New Jersey in July, where 60,000 persons struck. In 1919 there were nine disturbances, in each of which 60,000 or more persons were directly concerned: A general strike in Tacoma and Seattle in February in sympathy with the metal-trades strikers, in which 60,000 persons were involved; 65,000 employees in the Chicago stockyards struck in August; 100,000 longshoremen along the Atlantic coast struck in October; 100,000 employees in the shipyards of New York City and vicinity struck in October; 115,000 members of the building trades were locked out in Chicago in July; 125,000 in the building trades in New York struck in February; 250,000 railroad shop workers struck in August; 367,000 iron and steel workers struck in September; and 435,000 bituminous coal miners struck in November. The number of persons concerned in these nine strikes and lockouts was upward of 1,600,000, while the total number of persons in strikes and lockouts during 1919 was 4,112,507.. In 1919 the employees were connected with unions in 1,811 strikes and 102 lockouts; they were not connected with unions in 135 strikes and 1 lockout; in 27 strikes and 2 lockouts they were not so connected at the time of striking, but organized almost immediately thereafter; in 1,280 strikes and 16 lockouts the relation of employees to unions was not reported. . . ... The causes of strikes and lockouts were numerous. Aside from wages, few strikes occurred in which the cause was confined to one matter in dispute. The principal causes are shown in the table following: Mediation, conciliation and arbitration. The milk wagon drivers' strike, New York, November 1, 1921. Territory and popula tion affected. It is claimed that the strikers had rejected the offer of conciliation. 104. Failure of voluntary arbitration: an example 1 Disputes between labor and capital may be settled in a number of ways. Very frequently, the dispute terminates in a strike or lockout, in which case the two parties attempt to settle their difficulties in the open conflict of industrial warfare. The dangers and injuries which often accompany industrial warfare have led many states to enact laws providing for a varying degree of industrial mediation, conciliation and arbitration. In practically all of the legislating states, however, arbitration is purely voluntary, and often fails because either labor or capital, or both, will not consent to arbitration. An excellent example of the failure of voluntary arbitration is the strike of the milk wagon drivers in New York in November, 1921. The following extracts concerning this strike are from the New York Times: (November 1, 1921.) Sweeping aside all efforts at Federal and municipal intervention, more than 12,000 milk wagon drivers and allied workers voted overwhelmingly at a wild and uproarious mass meeting in Madison Square Garden last night to strike. The walkout went into effect at midnight. The New York Milk Conference Board, representing the distributors, immediately answered that they accepted the challenge of the unions and would run an "open shop." The strike order which was issued to the men includes all milk distributors of New York City, Jersey City, Hoboken, Newark, and as far north as the Massachusetts State line, covering a territory which has within its limits a population of more than 10,000,000 persons. ... I. Elkin Nathans, Secretary of the Milk Conference Board, said that the [grievances between the Board and the employees had been under consideration] by Charles Bendheim, Conciliation Commissioner of the U.S. Department of Labor, but the "union delegates wouldn't listen to him. I think [the unions] should have at least left the way open to renew the negotiations," [said Mr. Nathans.] . . . (November 2, 1921.) Through the efforts of Mayor John F. Hylan, the milk distributors and representatives of the milk drivers' unions From the New York Times, issues of November 1, 2, 3 and 4, 1921, will meet in conference to-day in an effort to adjust their The mayor differences. . . of New York attempts to settle the strike, because of the social ne cessity of The conference between the union leaders and the distributors yesterday afternoon was called by the Mayor in a telegram in which he said: "From the point of view of the public, the situation that arises because of this dispute between you is intolerable. Whatever the merits may be, and whichever is in the right, the contro- milk. versy should be adjusted without discomfort or inconvenience to the public and without jeopardy to the health and lives of the babies, children and invalids in the community." (November 3, 1921.) In a letter to Dr. Royal S. Copeland, Health Commissioner, the milk distributors said that they could not accept arbitration, believing that the situation called for permanent settlement and must be fought out. . . . The employers reject the offer of arbitration, and are de nounced by the Health Aroused by the failure of the distributors to make a settlement possible, Commissioner Copeland came out of the office in a rush. "The responsibility now rests on the distributors," he said. "They Commiswant to make an open shop fight on an issue that means life and death to the inhabitants of this community." sioner. favor arbitration, After a conference with his committeemen, [the spokesman of The strikers the unions] announced: "Our committee is agreeable to recommend at the Madison Square Garden meeting to-night that the men return to work under the old agreement while a board of arbitration takes up the question of wages." resentative of the em Asked what he had to say to that by Dr. Copeland, Mr. Nathans but the repdemanded the union's promise in writing. The Health Commissioner said that that could be arranged, that the unions had made a "fair ployers proposition" and a "splendid suggestion," and called upon the two Conciliation Commissioners, Charles Bendheim and Owen Brown, who were present, and they agreed that arbitration was the best plan. Mr. Nathans said that he would suggest it to the distributors, delays acbut they did not want to "wrangle for six or eight months," asking that a definite period be stated for the duration of the arbitration proceedings. . . . Commissioner Copeland, warning that arguments might spoil the "pleasant afternoon," suddenly adjourned the meeting and had the unions prepare in writing their proposal to return to work. tion on this suggestion. |