Library of Congress.-This great library is housed in a magnificent building near the Capitol in Washington. It is in charge of a librarian appointed by the President. He has charge of copyrights, which give to writers of books, plays, songs, etc., the same exclusive right to profit from their work that patents give to inventors.

Territorial Governments.-The President has large powers in the government of all United States territory not included in any State. He appoints three commissioners to govern the District of Columbia, and a governor and various other officers for Alaska, for Hawaii, for Porto Rico, and for the Philippines. Residents of the District of Columbia have no vote whatever in their government. In Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico, and the Philippines the people share in the government through a legislature which they elect. Both Alaska and Hawaii also elect a territorial delegate who sits in the House of Representatives at Washington. He can speak on all questions concerning his territory but has no vote. Porto Rico elects one commissioner and the Philippines elect two commissioners who represent them at Washington, but have no seat in Congress. The Panama Canal Zone is in charge of a governor appointed by the Secretary of War; Guam and Samoa are governed by the naval officer in command there.

As we shall see, Congress has power under the Constitution to provide whatever government it thinks best for these territories and island possessions. It has passed laws setting up the various governments described above and placing in the President the power to make these important appointments.

Civil Service. This is a phrase that is often used and you should understand what it means. "Civil" has many meanings. Here it means nothing more than "not-military." That is, the "civil service" of the government includes all office-holders not in the army or the navy. Now there are some 400,000 of these, and their number increases steadily year by year. Almost all of them are chosen by the President, and you can see what a task it would be if each new President appointed a new man for each job. That was the system for many years-the "spoils system," it was called, and it was based on the idea that "to the victor belong the spoils." As a party came into power its President threw out all the office-holders not of his party, and rewarded his political friends with jobs.

In 1883, however, a civil-service law was passed which ended much of this. It has been extended year by year. This law provides that public offices must be filled on the basis of merit after examinations, just like school examinations; and when once chosen, an officer holds his job during good behavior. He cannot be thrown out to make room for a politician.

The President has still a large number of appointments to fill, however, and this forms a large part of his duty. The most important appointments must be confirmed by the Senate, including the ten members of his Cabinet: the federal judges (including the justices of the Supreme Court); postmasters in the cities and larger towns; collectors of customs at the ports; federal district attorneys (who prosecute criminals); ambassadors, and consuls. (Art. II, Sec. 2, Par. 2.)

3. LEGISLATIVE POWERS

President and Congress. All this, so far, you will observe, is executive power. Congress passes a law under one of its constitutional powers, and the President carries it into action. We come now to an important part that the President plays in the making of laws.

The Veto. The word "veto" is Latin for "I forbid." Under our Constitution, when Congress has passed a bill, it must go before the President before it takes effect. He can sign it, in which case it becomes a law at once. If he does nothing, it becomes a law after ten days, provided Congress is still sitting. If Congress adjourns within ten days, the President need do nothing. The bill fails unless he signs it. This is called the "pocketveto." Or he can "veto" the bill, sending it back to Congress with any reasons he cares to give. This kills the bill.

Congress can take it up again if it wishes, but cannot pass it over the President's veto, except by a two-thirds vote of both Houses. As this vote is difficult to get, the President's veto is a very powerful obstacle to Congress. It compels Congress to pay attention to the President's views if it wishes its bills to become laws, and gives the President a very decided influence on all legislation. A strong and courageous President has more influence than a weak one. But the power is very real and important in any President's hands.

Here, you will notice, the Constitution places a very important check upon Congress and its whole legislative power. (Art. I, Sec. 7, Pars. 2 and 3.)

Messages to Congress.-The Constitution provides that the President shall "from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." (Art. II, Sec. 3.) George Washington delivered his messages to Congress orally. Jefferson, not caring for public speaking, sent his messages in writing, and that continued to be the custom down to President Wilson who resumed the forgotten practice of addressing Congress in person. The President usually sends an annual message and as many shorter messages as he deems proper. This right is not nearly as effective as the power of the British Premier, who sits in the British House of Commons and leads its debates, but it adds considerably to the President's influence upon legislation.

Special Sessions of Congress.-The President can call Congress in special session to consider any subject that he considers important whenever he wishes. This gives him an added influence upon Congress, for he can keep Congress sitting as long as he wishes. (Art. II, Sec. 3.)

These three powers, to veto bills, to send messages to Congress, and to call special sessions of Congress are the only legislative powers of the President.

4. JUDICIAL POWER

Pardoning Power. The President has another power, really judicial. He can pardon any criminal convicted under a federal law-that is, for example, mail thieves, counterfeiters, or smugglers. There are no constitu

tional limits on this power, but no President uses it except to free a man who has been wrongly or too harshly punished; to correct the errors of courts, in other words. (Art. II, Sec. 2, Par. 1.)

Election of President. This is one of the few provisions of the Constitution which have not worked out as the makers of the Constitution hoped. They planned an electoral college of wise men chosen by the people, and gave the election of a President and Vice-President to this body. They did not trust the people to pick a good President directly. This body still exists, and when you vote for President you nominally vote only for "presidential electors." But these men are selected by the parties who have already named their candidates for President and Vice-President and the electors always vote as their parties wish. So your vote really counts for the candidate and the electoral college might just as well not exist. The Constitution still provides for the electoral college, but the people vote directly for their President none the less. The original provision (Art. II, Sec. 1, Par. 2) was changed in 1804 by the Twelfth Amendment, but not so as to eliminate the electoral college. The vote for President was merely separated from the vote for Vice-President.

Minority Presidents. The only effect of preserving this peculiar provision is to make possible sometimes the election of a "minority President"—that is, a President who did not receive a majority of all the votes in the country. This is because the electors are chosen