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to expend its treasure and to sacrifice American life to maintain the principles of the Doctrine. So far as Latin America is concerned, the Doctrine is now, and always has been, not an instrument of violence and oppression, but an unbought, freely bestowed, and wholly effective guaranty of their freedom, independence, and territorial integrity against the imperialistic designs of Europe.

Also, the American policy on recStimson ognition underwent a change at this reverses time with Secretary Stimson anWilson's nouncing, in a speech to the Council non-recognition on Foreign Relations in New York, policy that Washington was following a policy of de facto recognition of governments, "however questionable their antecedents." This was a direct reversal of Wilson's Latin American non-recognition policy.8

SECRETARY STIMSON'S ADDRESS, NEW YORK, FEBRUARY 6, 1931: The present administration has refused to follow the policy of Mr. Wilson and has followed consistently the former practice of this Government since the days of Jefferson. As soon as it was reported to us, through our diplomatic representatives, that the new governments in Bolivia, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, and Panama were in control of the administrative machinery of the state, with the apparent general acquiescence of their people, and that they were willing and apparently able to discharge their international and conventional obligations, they were recognized by our Government. . . . Such has been our policy in all cases where international practice was not affected or controlled by preexisting treaty. In the five republics of Central America. . . we have found an entirely different situation existing from that normally presented under international law and practice. . . . In 1907 ... the five republics agreed . . . not [to] recognize any other government which may come into power in any of the five republics as a consequence of a coup d'etat, or of a revolution against the recognized government, so long as the freely elected representatives of the people thereof, have not constitutionally reorganized the country. . . . in 1923, the same five republics reenacted the same covenant, and further promised each other that even after a revolutionary government had been constitutionally reorganized by the representatives of the people, they would not recognize it if its president should have been a leader in the preceding revolution or related to such a leader by blood or marriage, or if he should have been a cabinet officer or held some high military command during the accomplishment of the revolution. Some four months thereafter, own Government, on the invitation of these republics. announced... that the United States in its future dealings with those republics follow out * See p. 54 below.

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PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1933: . . In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor-the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and because he does so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. President Roosevelt furthered Hull's intent by announcing on December 28, 1933-shortly after the Montevideo Conference of 1933 adopted a pact which endorsed the principle of non-intervention—that "the definite policy of the United States from now on is one opposed to armed intervention." In 1936 Roosevelt defined more specifically this good neighbor idea and included Canada in its terms.

ADDRESS,

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 14, 1936: . . . The noblest monument to peace and to neighborly economic and social friend

Good Neighbor ship in all the world is not a monupolicy includes Canada

ment in bronze or stone but the boundary which unites the United States and Canada-3,000 miles of friendship with no barbed wire, no gun or soldier, and no passport on the whole frontier. Mutual trust made that frontier-to extend the same sort of mutual trust throughout the Americas was our aim. The American republics to the south of us have been ready always to cooperate with the United States on a basis of equality and mutual respect, but before we inaugurated the good neighbor policy there was among them resentment and fear, because certain administrations in Washington had slighted their national pride and their sovereign rights. . . . We seek to dominate no other nation. We ask no territorial expansion. We oppose imperialism. We desire reduction in world armaments. We believe in democracy; we believe in freedom; we believe in peace. We offer to every nation of the world the

[Franklin D. Roosevelt] The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt (New York, 1938), Vol. II, p. 545.

handclasp of the good neighbor. Let those who wish our friendship look us in the eye and take our hand. In December 1936 President Roosevelt journeyed to speak at a meeting of all the American

Franklin D. Roosevelt expands the Monroe Doctrine

republics at Buenos Aires. There he proposed that the Western Hemisphere unite for mutual safety. This was widely interpreted as an invitation to make the Monroe Doctrine multilateral, but no specific steps were taken by the conference to grasp the opportunity. In the several documents signed at the conference, however, notable advances in inter-American cooperation were made.

THE BUENOS AIRES PACTS, BUENOS AIRES, DECEMBER 23, 1936: . . . Article II. In the event of war, or of a virtual state of war between American States, the Governments of the American Republics

shall undertake without delay the necessary mutual consultations, in order to exchange views and to seek . . . a method of peaceful collaboration; and, in the event of an international war outside America which might menace the peace of the American Republics, such consultation shall also take place to determine the proper time and manner in which the signatory states, if they so desire, may eventually cooperate in some action tending to preserve the peace of the American Continent.

-The Consultative Pact.

ARTICLE 1. The High Contracting Parties declare inadmissible the intervention of any one of them, directly or indirectly, and for whatever reason, in the internal or external affairs of any other of the Parties. . . . -The Non-Intervention Protocol.

The Inter-American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace declares: 1. That the American nations, true to their republican institutions, proclaim their absolute juridical liberty, their unrestricted respect for their several sovereignty and the existence of a common democracy throughout America. . . . 3. That the following principles are accepted by the international American community: (a) Proscription of territorial conquest and that, in consequence, no acquisition made through violence shall be recognized; (b) Intervention by one State in the internal or external affairs of another State is condemned; (c) Forcible collection of pecuniary debts is illegal; and (d) Any difference or dispute between the American nations, whatever its nature or origin, shall be settled by the methods of conciliation, or full arbitration, or through operation of international justice. -Declaration of Principles of Inter-American Solidarity and Confederation.

The marked improvement in the attitude of the Latin American nations toward their large and

often mistrusted neighbor to the north gave added strength to the American policy as it faced the threats posed by the rise of dictatorships in the European world.

4. Neutrality and the Threat of War: 1933-1939

Although the major concern of the United States in the first years of the New Deal was with domestic recovery and the social advances sponsored by the Roosevelt administration, many problems were posed on the foreign policy front. Preoccupation with internal matters could not lessen the impact upon the United States of fast-developing affairs abroad, especially in Europe.

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United States recognizes Soviet Russia

One far-reaching event of Franklin Roosevelt's first year in the White House was the recognition on November 16, 1933 of the Soviet Union and the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations after sixteen years of official non-intercourse. This action was fully in accord with accepted American practice, for the government of the USSR had fulfilled the customary conditions for both de facto and de jure recognition for some years. Domestic politics in the United States had prevented recognition before this, because of the opposition to recognition by economic and church groups influential with the Republican party. When President Roosevelt secured what were believed to be sincere promises from the Russians in respect to religious tolerance in the USSR, abandonment of Russian propaganda efforts in the

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ments. However, the United States had often recognized less substantial governments than that of the USSR and for less good reasons. That the United States was mistaken in crediting the USSR with good faith in 1933 is now indicated, but in the atmosphere of those days recognition appeared a logical and justifiable course to follow. Another development, fostered primarily by Secretary Hull, was the negotiation of a series of reciprocal trade agreements. Between 1934 and

1939 twenty-one of these agreements Preparing the were signed in the hope that they Philippines for would bring increased international freedom trade and economic recovery on a world-wide basis. Also in line with the broadening interest of the United States in affairs outside its continental boundaries was the Tydings-McDuffie Act of March 24, 1934 providing complete independence for the Philippines after a ten-year intermediate period. This action was in keeping with the American disposition to avoid the charge of imperialism. By redeeming its pledge to the Filipinos, the United States won respect at home and abroad. The intervention of World War II necessitated a postponement in granting independence to the Philippines, but the pledge was kept as soon as the postwar situation permitted.10 While to some the promise of free

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gress, on August 31, 1935, of a law which "indicated that henceforth the United States would not fight to uphold the full letter of its rights on the high seas.

The Neutrality Acts

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THE FIRST NEUTRALITY ACT, WASHINGTON, AUGUST 31, 1935: ... RESOLVED That upon the outbreak or during the progress of war between, or among, two or more foreign states, the President shall proclaim such fact, and it shall thereafter be unlawful to export arms, ammunition, or implements of war from any place in the United States, or possessions of the United States, to any port of such belligerent states, or to any neutral port for transshipment to, or for the use of, a belligerent country.

The

Scope of this act was broadened by a second law, passed February 29, 1936.

THE SECOND NEUTRALITY ACT, WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 29, 1936: . . . Whenever the President shall have issued his proclamation . . . it shall thereafter during the period of the war be unlawful for any person within the United States to purchase, sell, or exchange bonds, securities, or other obligations of the government of any belligerent country . . . issued after the date of such proclamation, or to make any loan or extend any credit to any such government. .. This Act shall not apply to any American republic or republics engaged in war against a non-American state or states, provided the American republic is not cooperating with a nonAmerican state or states in such war.

Resolution to prohibit export of arms to Spain

When it was realized that these two acts did not apply directly to a civil war-such as had broken out in Spain in July 1936-Congress passed a joint resolution prohibiting the export of munitions for the use of either side in the Spanish conflict.

It was believed that permanent neutrality legislation was required and Congress attempted to answer this need. The so-called "cash and carry" act was then passed. It provided mechanisms to compel belligerents to pay for supplies of war in cash, and to carry them in their own vessels.

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States to such a [belligerent or] foreign state would threaten or endanger the peace of the United States, the President shall proclaim such fact, and it shall thereafter be unlawful to export, or cause to be exported, arms, ammunition, or implements of war from any place in the United States to such [belligerent or] foreign state, or to any neutral state for transshipment to, or for the use of, such [belligerent or] foreign state. . . . Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation . . . it shall thereafter be unlawful... for any American vessel to carry such articles or materials to any belligerent state, or to any state wherein civil strife exists. . . or to any neutral state for transshipment to, or for the use of, any such belligerent state or any such state wherein civil strife exists. . . . There is hereby established a National Munitions Control Board to carry out the provisions of this Act. . . . While this act undoubtedly contributed to speeding the end of the Spanish civil war, since it shut off access by the Loyalists to American sources of supplies, it did not insure the United States against involvement in the world's armed conflicts. The act remained in effect when war came in September 1939, although the "cash and carry" provisions expired May 1, 1939. Furthermore, when in 1936 Japan withdrew from the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, the United States felt compelled to go forward with a large building program in order to develop hurriedly a two-ocean

navy.

Japan's efforts to close the open door in China resulted in Japanese invasions of North China in July 1937 and, as in 1932, in savage "Quarantine attacks upon Shanghai. Roosevelt the aggressors" declined to invoke the 1937 Neutrality Act, as no war had been declared, but he did castigate the dictators in a speech which called for a quarantine of aggressors.

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S ADDRESS [Quarantine Speech], CHICAGO, OCTOBER 5, 1937: ... It seems to be unfortunately true that the epidemic of world lawlessness is spreading. When an epidemic of physical disease starts to spread, the community approves and joins in a quarantine of the patients in order to protect the health of the community against the spread of the disease. . . . War is a contagion, whether declared or undeclared. We are determined to keep out of war, yet we cannot insure ourselves against the disastrous effects of war and the dangers of involvement. We are adopting such measures as will minimize our risk of involvement, but we cannot have complete protection in a world of disorder in which confidence and security have broken down. . . . the will for peace on

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US combats Fascist propaganda in Latin America

persecution of the Jews created a number of disagreeable, if not vital incidents. And the noisy, if ineffectual, German-American Bund in the United States gave warnings of possible subversion at home. Much of the effort of the United States was directed to combatting the influences of German and Italian propaganda in Latin America. The Lima Conference of 1938 sought to array the American republics solidly against the European Fascist dictators. The opposition of Argentina somewhat nullified these moves on the part of Secretary Hull and President Roosevelt.

Roosevelt appeals to the dictators

With Europe apparently on the verge of war following Hitler's annexation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, President Roosevelt appealed to Hitler and Mussolini to pledge not to attack thirty specified nations within a period of ten years.(42) Both dictators refused Mr. Roosevelt's request and when Germany invaded Poland in September, the President issued the routine proclamations under the neutrality legislation in effect.

Russia's war against Finland from November 1939 to March 1940 strained America's sentiments of neutrality, but there was no conWar in Europe crete way open to help the Finns.(48) However, in early November 1939 Congress modified the neutrality laws to lift the arms embargo and to authorize the President to

delimit danger zones wherein American ships could not venture. In addition, purchasers of munitions in the United States would have to transport them in their own ships and would have to buy on a "cash-on-the-barrel-head" basis.

Fourth Neutrality Act, 1939

THE FOURTH NEUTRALITY ACT, WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 4, 1939: . . . Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation... it shall thereafter be unlawful for any American vessel to carry any passengers or any articles or materials to any state named in such proclamation. . . . it shall thereafter be unlawful to export or transport ... from the United States to any state named in such proclamation, any articles or materials ... until all right, title, and interest therein shall have been transferred to some foreign government, agency, institution, association, partnership, corporation, or national. . . . Whenever the President shall . . . thereafter find that the protection of the citizens of the United States so requires, he shall, by proclamation, define combat areas, and thereafter it shall be unlawful . . . for any citizen of the United States or any American vessel to proceed into or through any such combat area. . . . it shall thereafter be unlawful for any citizen of the United States to travel on any vessel of any state named in such proclamation. . . . it shall thereafter be unlawful . . . for any American vessel, engaged in commerce with any foreign state to be armed. . . . Every person who engages in the business of manufacturing, exporting, or importing any arms, ammunition, or implements of war .. shall register with the Secretary of State. It shall be unlawful for any person to export . . . from the United States to any other state, any arms, ammunition, or implements of war ... .. without first having submitted to the Secretary of State the name of the purchaser and the terms of sale and having obtained a license therefor...

Western hemispheric safety belt

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To give effect to these amendments the First Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the American Republics, in 1939 at Panama, created a hemispheric safety belt in a declaration.

THE DECLARATION OF PANAMA, PANAMA, OCTOBER 3, 1939: . . . the Governments of the American Republics Resolve and hereby declare: 1. As a measure of continental self-protection, the American Republics, so long as they maintain their neutrality, are as of inherent right entitled to have those waters adjacent to the American continent ... free from the commission of any hostile act by any non-American belligerent nation. . . . 4. The American Republics, during the existence of a state of war in which they themselves are not involved,

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Hitler's blitz awakens America

The events of the spring of 1940 shocked the American people as scarcely any foreign occurrence had before. The rapid conquest of Poland by the Nazis in the autumn of 1939 was impressive. And the strength of the Finnish defense against the Soviet armies in the winter warfare was encouraging. But both these were minor conflicts with relatively little American interests involved other than sentimental ones. The sitzkreig or "phoney war," of the Maginot Line and the winter of 1939-1940, lulled the Americans into an unsettling semblance of tranquility. The rapid overrunning of Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, and northern France by the Nazi armies in the first half of 1940 opened the eyes of millions of Americans to the menace of the Hitler method of warfare.

The most immediate problem of mid-1940 was what to do about the colonies in the Western Hemisphere belonging to the nations occupied by

Hitler's armies. The territories Expanding the which particularly concerned the Monroe United States were Martinique, a Doctrine French island in the Caribbean where a French carrier and numerous planes were sheltered; Dutch Guiana and French Guiana, South American mainland territories with petroleum and other resources; and the numerous Caribbean possessions of the British which would be in danger if the United Kingdom fell to the Nazis. Congress, on June 17-18, 1940, passed a resolution opposing the transfer of any territory in this hemisphere from one nonAmerican power to any other non-American power. This was followed by the action of the American Foreign Ministers at Havana providing that territory of European nations in danger

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