The decrease of the number of native white males of native parentage in all but the last occupation included in the preceding table is accordingly accounted for by the fact that the new accessions from that class were insufficient to fill the places of those who died.

On the other hand, an actual decrease of the number of American workmen of native stock was found among shoemakers and repairers. On closer scrutiny, however, it ‹ appears that this decrease was merely a part of a general decline of the trade, which manifested itself in a decrease of the number of foreign-born shoemakers as well. Among other occupations of the same class were brick and tile makers, whose total number was reduced by 10,000, and dairymen whose number was reduced by 8000; more than one half of those reductions affected foreign-born workers (7000 in the former and 4000 in the latter occupation). The same is true of the other occupations specified in Table 27. As far as can be judged from census figures, there was consequently no "displacement" of native by foreign workmen.

Coming to female wage-earners, we find that while there was a decrease of 13,000 American women of native stock and of 2000 native of immigrant parentage employed as seamstresses, tailoresses, textile mill operatives, and dairywomen, the number of servants and waitresses showed a decrease of 41,000 foreign-born, contemporaneous with an increase of 16,000 white American girls of native stock and 47,000 native daughters of immigrants. It may be inferred from these figures that the women of the "new immigration" showed a tendency to prefer factory work to domestic service, while the tendency among native American girls was in the opposite direction.'

Most of the female factory workers being young, the decrease by mortality may be disregarded. On the other hand, however, “women enter industry only temporarily. The census shows that the great majority of them who are at work are between 16 and 30 years of agethat is, they are in industry until they get married." (Nearing: Wages

On the whole, the number of native women of native parentage in gainful occupations increased by more than half a million, as against a possible displacement of 13,000; in other words, for every native woman of native parentage who left the mill or clothing factory there were forty women of the same nativity who found new openings. The increase of the number of professional women of that class was 63,000, i. e., nearly five times as great as the decrease of the number of native American factory girls. The loss of the 2000 positions by native women of foreign parentage was compensated by an increase of 348,000 in the number of the same nativity employed in all occupations.

It is evident from these figures that the "displacement," if there was any, was negligible, and moreover that it did not manifest itself in those occupations which are believed to be affected by immigration. The three occupations mostly spoken of in connection with "racial displacement" viz., laborers, miners, and iron and steel workers, show increasing numbers of native workmen of native parentage.

Unskilled laborers appear in census statistics under two designations: “agricultural laborers," and "laborers not specified." At the census of 1890, many farm laborers in agricultural districts were reported simply as "laborers," while at the census of 1900 the distinction between these two classes was more strictly drawn. In consequence, the increase of the number of non-agricultural laborers, appearing from the census returns for 1900, is below the actual figure. The increase of the number of non-agricultural laborers identified as such and classified by race and nativity is given in Table 29 next below:

in the United States, pp. 173-174.) Within a period of ten years the number of women of every nativity engaged in a given occupation would accordingly be greatly reduced by marriage, unless there were others of the same class to fill their places.

TABLE 29.

INCREASE OF THE NUMBER OF LABORERS IN THE UNITED STATES, CLASSIFIED BY RACE AND NATIVITY, 1890-1900.1

It appears from Table 29 that only 6 per cent of the additional demand for unskilled labor was supplied by immigrants. Since the percentage of foreign-born among agricultural laborers is much smaller than among other unskilled laborers, the underestimate of the numerical increase of the foreign-born in the latter class is smaller than for the occupation in general; the percentage of increase of foreign-born laborers must accordingly be rather overestimated than underestimated. In other words, immigration during the decade 1890-1900 was barely sufficient to make up for the natural decrease of unskilled laborers by death.

Yet the totals for the country at large might conceal local displacements of considerable magnitude. Turning to the State figures for 1890 and 1900 we find a decrease of the number of native white laborers of native parentage in the following States: Colorado, 1000 men; Delaware, 100 men; Utah, 100 men; and Rhode Island, 300 men. 3 But in the first three States the number of foreign-born laborers likewise decreased. The total "displacement" of native white laborers of native parentage by immigrants

Occupations at the XII. Census, Table 2, pp. 10 and 11. XI. Census, Population, Part II., Table 82, p. 354; Table 78, p. 304.

The ratio of foreign-born in 1900 was 5.8 per cent among agricultural laborers and 27.1 per cent among "laborers not specified." -Occupations at the XII. Census, Table 2, pp. 10 and 11.

3 Ibid., Table 41, pp. 220-423. XI. Census, Population, Part II., Table 116, pp. 530-627.

was thus represented by a decrease of 300 men in the State of Rhode Island, or by thirty men annually. It is within the range of possibility that those thirty men may have crossed the State line to Massachusetts or Connecticut, the first of which, shows an increase of 2100 and the second an increase of 1400 native white laborers of native parentage. No decrease of the number. of common laborers among the native white of native parentage appears in any of the great States which serve as centres of attraction for immigration. The native white of foreign parentage show an increase during the same period in every State and territory.

What has been said of laborers is equally applicable to miners, as can be seen from Table 30, two thirds of the increased demand for miners having been supplied by native-born workmen and only one third by immigrants.

TABLE 30.

INCREASE OF THE NUMBER OF MINERS IN THE UNITED STATES, CLASSIFIED BY NATIVITY (THOUSANDS), 1890–1900.1

Comparing the number of miners by States in 1890 and 1900, we find a decrease in the employment of native white miners only in the following States':

'XI. Census, Population, Part II., p. 304, Table 78, and pp. 354 and 355, Table 82. Occupations at the XII. Census, Table 2, pp. 12 and 13.

XI. Census, Population, Part II., Table 116, pp. 540, 564, 582, 584, 594, 608, and 616. Occupations at the XII. Census, Table 41, pp. 242, 294, 332, 334, 358, 386 and 400.

TABLE 31.

DECREASE OF THE NUMBER OF NATIVE WHITE MINERS, 1890-1900,

The total loss of 1300 positions by native miners would have been amply compensated by the employment of 70,000 American miners of native stock in excess of the number employed at the preceding census. In fact, however, not all of this decrease represents "racial displacement." In Connecticut, Maine, and Nevada, it was due to a general decline of the mining and quarrying industry, which affected all employees, native as well as foreign-born. The actual "displacement" was confined to 400 men in New Hampshire, Vermont, and the Dakotas, without any allowance for decrease by death. None of these States was affected by the "new immigration." Such States as Pennsylvania and Illinois, on the other hand, showed large increases in the number of native miners, both of foreign and of native parentage.

The statistics of iron and steel workers classified by race and nativity appear in Table 32. The fundamental fact brought out by the table is the difference in the rate of industrial expansion between the two last decades of the past century; while in 1880-1890 the increase in the number of employees was equal to about one fourth, during the period 1890-1900 the demand for labor doubled. The effect of this difference is seen in the fact that during the first period, when the number of immigrants from Southern ' and Eastern Europe was negligible, only 12,000 additional American workmen found employment in the iron and steel industry, or one man to every six who had been employed in 1880; during the period 1890-1900, on the other hand,