United States, as might be expected, sought work in the industry in which they had had experience abroad. The predominance of mine workers from Great Britain and northern Europe continued up to 1890, but after that year the entrance of these races into the bituminous coal mines practically stopped. Because of the rapid development of the industry and the consequent need of labor, Slovaks had been employed in the Pennsylvania mines as early as 1880. This race was soon followed by the Magyars or Hungarians, Poles, North and South Italians, Croatians, Russians, Bulgarians, Roumanians, Ruthenians, Syrians, Armenians, and Servians. These races from southern and eastern Europe, particularly the Slovaks, Magyars, Poles, and Italians, have gradually supplanted the older immigrants in the less skilled and responsible positions, and during the past ten years have not only gained the ascendancy in numbers but have also begun to advance in the scale of occupations. The pioneer operatives, under the increasing pressure and competition which arose from the influx of the southern and eastern European immigrants, have, in constantly growing numbers since 1890, left the Pennsylvania coal fields for localities in the Middle West or Southwest in search of better working conditions or, on the other hand, have entirely abandoned the coal industry to engage in other pursuits made available by the industrial development which has been in progress in western Pennsylvania during the same period as that in which the expansion of bituminous coal-mining operations occurred. Those that remained in the bituminous mines usually have attained to the skilled and responsible executive positions created by the development of the industry, such as those of engineers and foremen.

An extraordinary and similar expansion in coal mining was in progress during the same period in the Middle West and the Southwest as in Pennsylvania. In 1870, in the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, 5,589,318 short tons of coal were mined, and 15,237 men were employed, as compared with an output of 97,445,278 short tons and an operating force of 127,333 men in 1907. The greatest development in the Southwest came somewhat later. Kansas and Oklahoma (then Indian Territory) produced 763,597 short tons in 1880 and employed 3,617 mine workers, as contrasted with an annual production of 10,965,107 short tons in 1907 and employees to the number of 20,837. The opening of mines in Texas did not assume important proportions until after 1902 and, although development was going on in both Arkansas and Iowa at an early date, the aggregate annual output of these States combined has never been important.

In the Middle West, as in the case of Pennsylvania, there were very few mine workers prior to 1890 who were not native Americans or representatives of races from Great Britain and Germany. Races of southern and eastern Europe, principally North and South Italians, Lithuanians, Poles, Russians, French, and French Belgians, entered the Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois fields during the decade 18901900, and during the past ten years have rapidly increased in numbers. The races of older immigration, however, have never lost the ascendancy in the mines of the Middle West, because of a large migration, as mentioned above, to that section during the ten years 1890-1900 of English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, and German miners from Penn

sylvania and West Virginia. But the miners of northern Europe and Great Britain did not remain permanently in the coal fields of the Middle West. Many of them, in the effort to attain more satisfactory working conditions, when the pressure of recent immigration began to be felt, moved onward to the newly opened mines of the Southwest. Moreover, at the same time that the natives and older immigrants were leaving the West Virginia and Pennsylvania mines for those of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, others migrated directly to the coal fileds of Oklahoma (then Indian Territory). As a matter of fact, when, in the year 1880, the mines of Kansas and Oklahoma were first opened on a commercial basis, the operating forces were brought by special trains and carloads from Pennsylvania and the Middle West. The Americans, English, Irish, and Scotch were predominant among these pioneer mine workers, although there were among them a few representatives of the German, Polish, Lithuanian, French, and Croatian races. The rapid increase of the British and northern European races continued in Oklahoma (then Indian Territory) up to 1890, and in Kansas until 1895. In 1890, the Americans, English, Irish, and Scotch in large numbers left the Oklahoma mines and sought employment in the Kansas fields. The number of mining employees in the Southwest belonging to races of southern and eastern Europe rapidly increased in the twenty years subsequent to 1890, this supply of labor being used to take the places of the natives and older immigrants who left Oklahoma after 1890, and to meet the demand for labor growing out of the expansion in the coal industry in both Oklahoma and Kansas. During the same period, and especi ally since 1900, there has also been a movement of smaller extent, but quite pronounced, of the natives, English, Irish, Scotch, and Welsh farther to the West and Southwest. Some have left Kansas and Oklahoma for the recently developed mines of Texas and New Mexico. Others have gone to the bituminous mining fields of Colorado. A small number have also forsaken coal mining for the Colorado and other gold fields, and a considerable proportion, especially of the second generation of English, Irish, Scotch, and Welsh, have engaged in lead and zine mining in Missouri.

In the South the development of bituminous-coal mining has been more recent than in the other localities discussed. West Vir ginia and Alabama first entered upon their present large production after 1890. The remarkable growth in the industry which has taken place, however, may be quickly realized by the statement that West Virginia had an annual output of 7,394,654 short tons in 1890 and an operating force of 9,778 men, as compared with 48,091,583 short tons mined in 1907, and a force of 59,029 employees. Alabama had a corresponding development, her output in 1890 being 4,090,409 short tons, and her mine workers 6,864, as compared with an annual production of 14,250,454 short tons in 1907 and an operating force of 21,388 men. Native whites and negroes were principally used in the early development of the southern coal mines. The pioneer immigrant employees both in West Virginia and Alabama were English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, and Germans, and representatives of all of these races were among the employees of both States prior to 1890. During the decade 1890-1900, Slovaks, Poles, French, Croatians, Russians, Magyars, and North and South Italians entered the mines in consider

able numbers. Within the past fifteen years there has been, especially in West Virginia, a racial movement in two directions: (1) The original immigrant mine workers from Great Britain and northern Europe have migrated in large numbers to the Middle West and Southwest, and (2) the immigrants of southern and eastern European races have entered the coal fields to take the places made vacant by the departure of the original employees and to supply the demand for labor arising from the extension of mining operations. In Kentucky and Tennessee the mines have been exclusively operated by native whites and negroes, and the number of immigrants employed has been negligible. The Virginia coal-producing territory was not opened to any great extent until after the year 1900, and most of the labor was drawn from outside sources. Native whites and negroes were at first employed, and when this source of supply was exhausted recourse was had to recent immigrants. The majority of the mine. workers in Virginia are at present representatives of southern and eastern European races.

The above-outlined racial movements may be more clearly comprehended, as well as the extent to which the various races of southern and eastern Europe enter into the operating forces of the bituminous mines at the present time, from the following table. It is based on returns from 88,368 mine workers and indicates the extent to which each race or nativity is employed in the industry and in the different mining fields. Only the principal races are shown, and Armenians, Bosnians, French Canadians, Cubans, Dalmatians, Dutch, Finns, Greeks, Herzegovinians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, Portuguese, Roumanians, Ruthenians, Servians, Slovenians, Spanish, and Turks are employed in the bituminous mines in smaller proportions than the races presented in the table."

See The Bituminous Coal Mining Industry, Reports of the Immigration Commission, Vols. 6 and 7. Less than 0.05 per cent.

TABLE 7.-Per cent of principal races employed in the specified mining localities.

The salient fact disclosed by the above table is that of the total number of bituminous-mine workers at present slightly more than three-fifths are foreign-born and slightly less than two-fifths are of native birth. Of the foreign-born comparatively small proportions are seen to be of the English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, and German races of the older immigration, while the greater part of the persons of foreign birth employed in the industry are Croatians, North and South Italians, Lithuanians, Magyars, Poles, Russians, Slovaks, Slovenians, and other races of recent immigration. The South exhibits the lowest percentage of foreign-born mining employees and Pennsylvania the highest, followed by the Southwest and Middle West in the order named.

The racial substitutions in, and the present racial composition of, the operating forces of the bituminous-coal mines of the country may be considered typical of all other extractive industries, with the exception of agriculture. On the other hand, the racial movements to the cotton-goods manufacturing industry may be presented as representative of conditions in the different branches of manufacturing industry in which the factory system has reached its highest form of development. In submitting a history of immigration to, and racial displacements in, this industry the racial movements to the industry in the North Atlantic States are first presented, followed by a detailed account of the racial displacements in a representative cotton-goods manufacturing center in New England.

RACIAL DISPLACEMENTS IN NEW ENGLAND COTTON MILLS.

The first employees for the New England cotton mills were secured almost exclusively from the farm and village population immediately adjacent to the early cotton-goods manufacturing centers. These

employees consisted in the main of the children of farmers, usually the daughters, who undertook work in the mills for the purpose of assisting their fathers or in order to lay aside sums for their own dowries. The young women were attractive and, as a rule, well educated, and the young men sober, intelligent, and reliable. At the time of the erection of the first modern cotton mills, about 1813, there was a strong prejudice in New England against the so-called factory system, because of the conditions which prevailed among cotton-mill operatives in Great Britain. As a consequence, the chief endeavor of the promoters of the new industry was to secure housing and living conditions under such restrictions as would warrant the parents of New England in permitting their sons and daughters to enter the mills. This policy was successful, and sufficient labor rapidly moved into the new textile-manufacturing towns.

In the light of the changed conditions which afterwards became prevalent in the New England textile-manufacturing towns it will be instructive to consider somewhat in detail this early class of operatives and the conditions under which they lived. A distinguished French traveler, who visited the United States in 1834, in the words which follow gave his impressions of the operatives of Lowell, Mass., Lowell then being the most representative cotton-goods manufacturing center in New England.

a

"The cotton manufacture alone," he stated, "employs 6,000 persons in Lowell. Of this number nearly 5,000 are young women from 17 to 24 years of age, the daughters of farmers from the different New England States, and particularly from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont. They are here remote from their families and under their own control. On seeing them pass through the streets in the morning and evening and at their meal hours, neatly dressed; on finding their scarfs and shawls, and green silk hoods which they wear as a shelter from the sun and dust (for Lowell is not yet paved), hanging up in the factories admidst flowers and shrubs, which they cultivate, I said to myeslf, 'This, then, is not like Manchester;' and when I was informed of the rate of their wages, I understood that it was not at all like Manchester."

The measures which made possible this intelligent and efficient class of operatives is explained by a later historian of Lowell:

"While devoting his inventive skill in the perfecting of machinery, Mr. Lowell," the author states, "gave considerable thought to the improvement of those he employed. He had seen the degraded state of operatives in England, and his chief endeavor, next after the fitting of his mill, was to insure such domestic comforts and restrictions as would warrant the parents of New England in letting their daughters enter his employment. He provided boarding houses conducted by reputable women, furnished opportunities for religious worship, and established rules which were a safeguard against the evils which assail the young who are beyond parental supervision *

* *

"When the mills were first established, the operatives were drawn from the towns and villages of New England. They were sober, industrious, and reliable people. The building of the mills

a Chevalier, United States, 1834, p. 137.

b Bayles, Lowell: Past, Present, and Prospective, pp. 7–15.