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PUBLIC OPINION (New York) combined with THE LITERARY DIGEST Published by Funk & Wagnalls Company (Adam W. Wagnalls, Pres.; Wilfred J. Funk, Vice-Pres.; Robert J. Cuddihy, Treas.; William Neisel, Sec'y) 354-360 Fourth Ave., New York
RED EFFORTS TO WIN OUR
OUR BIGGEST LABOR UNION NCE MORE THE CURTAIN RISES on a Russian League, and the Friends of Soviet Russia.” They get their plot to seize the reins of government on this continent. instructions, it seems, from the president of the Communist
The biggest union in the United States, the United International at Moscow, Mine Workers of America, after "an independent, searching The miners' investigators assert that this Communist moveinvestigation,” announces that “the seizure of this union is ment to capture control of the unions and the American Federabeing attempted as the first
tion of Labor has been under step in the realization of a
way for five years, and that thoroughly organized pro
“three times in three years gram of the agencies and
the Bolshevik leaders at forces behind the Commu
Moscow have attempted nist International at Moscow
armed insurrection and revofor the conquest of the Amer
lution in the United States" ican continent.” Already,
-in the steel strike of 1919, we are told, the Communist
in the "outlaw" switchorganization in North Amer
men's strike of 1920, and ica “is composed of more
in the railroad and coal than six thousand active
strikes of 1922. The report leaders and lieutenants, and
sounds the following warning: approximately one million
“The Communist movemembers, adherents and
ment in the next twelve sympathizers, scattered in
months will be conducted every State and Province
along more intensive lines
than it has at any time in the of the United States and
past. The labor organizaCanada." If successful, the
tions will meet their greatest plan to make "red"
assaults and attacks, and the henchman of every holder
Communists will make of a union card would swell
greater efforts than they
have at any time in the past this army to more than four
to get possession of them. millions. The ultimate object
The movement is aimed not of this movement, according
only at the labor unions, but to the lengthy report given
at the entire industrial, so
cial and political structure to the press by the United
of the country, and with the Mine Workers of America, is
single aim of eventually "the overthrow and destruc
establishing a Soviet dictation of this Government,
torship in the United States, with the establishment of an
and converting the country
into a vassal colony of the absolute and arbitrary dicta
Communist International at torship, and the elimination
Moscow. It is a situation of all forms of popular voice
that challenges not only in governmental affairs."
organized labor, but every This is “now being atCopyrighted by Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.
employer as well. This is BOLSHEVIKI NOT WANTED
one occasion when labor and tempted on a gigantic scale."
the employer might very The steps contemplated inCommunist “borers from within" in the ranks of the United Mine
well join hands and fight Workers of America "have met with the determined opposition of clude “the seizure of the
together instead of fighting President John L. Lewis."
each other." American Federation of Labor," the supplanting of
Another striking feature craft unions by "industrial" unions or a "one big union," and of this report is the warning against the effects of recognition of "the conversion and mobilization of farmers and other related the Soviet Government by the United States. groups." "Millions of dollars are being spent in this conquest.” In this country the organizations instigating and guiding this
“No greater victory short of the overthrow of the Federal
Government itself could be won by the Communist organization movement, we are told, are “the Communist Party of America, in this country than to bring about recognition of the Soviet régime the Workers Party of America, the Trade Union Educational in Russia by this Government. Experience has demonstrated
us to be on guard.” The charges of the Mine Workers should not be lightly brushed aside, many papers agree. For, we are reminded by the Chicago Evening Post:
“Other labor organizations in this country have made the same charge. Presumably the labor officials know what they are talking about. It is certain that officials of the United States Government, like Secretary of War Weeks and Secretary of the Navy Denby, know what they are talking about when they say that there is proof on hand of communistic designs on the United States."
The Mine Workers' warning convinces the Chicago News of a desire on the part of this powerful union “to repudiate violence and clean house." "The arm of Moscow is long and its influence is vast,” remarks the Canton News, “but, thank goodness, President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor and President Lewis of the United Mine Workers of America have seen through its activities among American workers." “That organized labor in this country is militantly patriotic and whole-heartedly opposed to Red supremacy is unquestioned,” declares the Atlanta Constitution. In making this exposure of Red activities, the United Mine Workers have performed a patriotic service, says the Minneapolis Tribune; and the St. Louis Globe-Democrat commends this union, and union labor in America generally, for its "persistent opposition to Bolshevism.” A labor daily, the Minneapolis Minnesota Star, corroborates the charge that Communist agencies are at this time “attempting to mislead farmers and labor in Minnesota and neighboring States.” It goes on to say:
“ The Star has no sympathy with either the methods or the principles of such radicals. They are at least as serious a menace as the 'Reds' of extreme reaction and conservatism.
“It is to the intelligence and progressive spirit of the great 'twilight zone,' in between these two extremes, that The Siar appeals.
“But the Communists should be allowed to advocate their doctrines openly. The worst thing that could have happened was to drive them under cover, as Attorney-Generals Palmer and Daugherty have done. A Communist thrives on martyrdom. Under cover he is dangerous. In the open he is harmless.
"Let them be allowed to preach their false doctrines freely, and then by meeting them with sound logic and reason they can be easily ‘scotched.'
THE FANGS OF RADICALISM
—Gale in the the Los Angeles Times.
"Under the lash of circumstances American labor may temporarily see red, but it doesn't talk red and it doesn't act red and
that wherever the Soviet Government goes it goes for propaganda. If diplomatic relations were established with this country, the Soviet régime would be the sole beneficiary.
“A recognized government is entitled to a consulate in every city, and a consular staff may be as large as desired and may do about what it wants to do. In the light of their past activities, the first thing that the Soviets might be expected to do in the United States, if accorded recognition, would be to establish 'consulates,' with large propaganda staffs, in all of the leading cities. The present 'underground' revolutionary organization, now centered around the Communist Party of America, would then be able to come to the surface and start its work with renewed impetus in the open.”
The United Mine Workers' union, which covers both the anthracite and bituminous fields, has a membership of nearly half a million. Ever since its beginning this organization “has had to cope with extreme radicalism within its ranks," remarks the New York Evening Mail, which goes on to say:
"Students of labor politics always look to the miners to range themselves with whatever new idea is being spread abroad. And the majority of the miners always make a great show of doing so. They indorsed government ownership of railroads and coal-mines not so long ago, for instance. In the end, the majority of the miners do not worry themselves greatly over those abstract possibilities, but settle down to strike for a better wage and better working conditions. When they get these, they give short shrift to the ‘Reds’ in their ranks."
In making public this report of “Red" activities, says the Washington Post, “those on guard in the camp of organized labor prove their sound Americanism." “Whatever blame may attach to these labor leaders for events of the past,” remarks the Buffalo Express, “they are doing good service in pointing out to labor the danger of Bolshevism.” “While it is regrettable that the United Mine Workers of America should not have sooner appreciated the danger threatened by the anarchistic foreign element in its membership,” remarks the Tacoma Ledger, “still it is a matter for congratulation that even at this late day the great organization of coal-miners has arrayed itself upon the side of Americanism in opposition to radicalism.” The charges set forth by the miners' union, while “not all of them new," convince the Boston Neus Bureau that "the Red menace is to be taken at least seriously enough for
all this praise of the Mine Workers for their zeal in exposing an alleged Red conspiracy. "The United Mine Workers of America, and not the Communists, are responsible for spattering coal history with blood from Kentucky to Utah and from Alabama to Pennsylvania,” avers John C. Bryden, president of the National Bituminous Operators special committee. To quote Mr. Bryden further:
“I have read with amazement the melodramatic stories which picture officials of the United Mine Workers as the innocent maidens of industry with the villains of Moscow still pursuing them. The committee of which I am chairman has for the past eight months conducted exhaustive studies into the sources of violence in the coal-fields.
"Trained investigators have been sent into the affected regions. Not in one single instance of all those crimes against communities which have spattered coal history with blood from Kentucky to Utah, and from Alabama to Pennsylvania, have we found a reasonable evidence of any Communist influence.
“The $17,000,000 a year which the United Mine Workers of America raise through the 'check-off' has a great deal more to do with the maintenance and growth of violence in the coalfields than has the mythical $1,100,000 from the treasuries of the Soviet."
“What would the propagandists do without the Reds?” asks the Philadelphia Evening Public Ledger; and the St. Louis PostDispatch notes with some amusement that “labor leaders, when their power is menaced, will sound the same panicky alarms as are sounded by the manufacturers' associations when their power is menaced.”
“Are we expected to believe that the anthracite miners' holdup of the American public, managed by President John L. Lewis, was likewise a part of Russian Reds' schemes to which the United Mine Workers are opposed?” sarcastically inquires the Pittsburgh Gazette Times. The Baltimore Evening Sun confesses to being haunted by "a horrid suspicion that the propaganda now flowing from the miners' offices was prepared when the busy press agent thought the coal strike would not be settled, and labor would be in need of public gratitude and sympathy."
it doesn't think red,” declares the Washington Post. But in the opinion of the Philadelphia Record the matter is not to be disposed of quite so simply. We read:
"It is possible that two factions, one Communistic and the other not, have been struggling for control of the United Mine Workers of America, and the latter has just won and is improving the opportunity to show up the other. It is also possible that the national organization has very little control over the State or district organizations, and that the national organization is anti-Communistic, while in Illinois and West Virginia, and apparently in Colorado and Arkansas, the unions are of the other variety."
Undoubtedly, thinks the New York Times, the United Mine Workers had a motive of self-interest in publishing this exposure of Red activities in the field of American unionism. Nevertheless, "they have made out a prima facie case-a case that ought to be investigated.” We read further:
“The articles name names and cite times and places. The evidence assembled may not be wholly trustworthy, and may prove on examination to be inconclusive, but at any rate it calls for an examination. The prosecuting officials in the States where the crimes are said to have been committed ought to be put in possession of the documents and other evidence tending to establish the commission of such crimes. It is no work for a labor union, no matter how powerful, to undertake. District attorneys and judges and juries could do it much better. It may be that the material, when fully assembled, will seem to involve so many parts of the country that an inquiry by a committee of Congress will seem desirable. Either way, the affair ought not to be allowed to rest where it is. The charges made by the United Mine Workers are formidable and often specific. They ought to be looked into by competent authorities and the truth brought out.
“There has of late been a good deal of pooh-poohing of the world-wide Communist revolution. But just as people are comfortably settling back to speak of it as only a myth, some Russian Communist steps forward to reassert the original intention. Karl Radek, the Russian Soviet leader, has just done it again. To be sure, he adjourns the date. It will take twenty years, according to him, for Communism to spread itself triumphantly over the whole earth. But Radek stoutly affirms the continuing purpose of Russian Communists never to give up until they have marched victoriously through all the world.''
But unsympathetic and incredulous comment mingles with
PRESIDENT COOLIDGE AS HIGH PRIEST OF STABILITY TO EVERY PRESIDENT HIS SLOGAN. Monroe had political devil-devil doctors, are the last things this country his era of “good feeling”; Jackson, as one of our editors
needs.” recalls, his shibboleth of “local self-government”; we But stability, comments the Springfield Republican (Ind.), associate the “Union” with Lincoln, the “square deal” and "can not be interpreted as immobility.” The New York Sun "strenuous life" with Roosevelt, the “New Freedom" and
and Globe (Rep.) agrees that “stability of a dynamic sort we may "making the world safe for democracy” with Wilson; and, as achieve, but fixity and changelessness-never.” Before business Harding was consecrated to the restoration of “normaley," so, can be stabilized, protests the Baltimore Sun (Dem.), “it must the correspondents tell us, President Coolidge is pledged to the reach a basis upon which stabilization is practicable.” For preservation of "stability.” Mr. Coolidge, as the Syracuse instance: Post-Standard takes pains to point out, “has made less change in the policy and personnel of the Administration bequeathed
“President Coolidge believes that any changes of the
McCumber-Fordney tariff rates would be unsettling and unto him than any Vice-President succeeding to the Presidency
stabilizing to business; and therefore he is against invoking the before bim.” More than once, remarks a newspaper correspon- flexible tariff clause at this time. But is he right in assuming dent at the Capital, “has the new President assured the people that business can be stabilized on the basis of the existing tariff that he does not contemplate any changes in the policy of his rates? Is the present tariff the right kind of foundation on which
business can build with the assurance of permanency and stapredecessor, and that honest folk can sleep o' nights.” The Presi
bility? Such an assumption constitutes an economic challenge. dent has gone so far as to let it be known to the newspaper men
“For the most part, the present period is one of economic coming to the White House that his prescription for the country's transition, one in which fundamentals are being examined and present ills is: “stability, confidence, and reassurance.” Where- tested, and the world can not feel that it is stable until these upon most Republican papers, and a number of spokesmen for
fundamentals have been ascertained to be sound and safe. The
economic transition must be completed before there can be any business and finance, declare that this is just the kind of assur
genuine working for the future. Furthermore, American relations ance the country wants; altho the Knoxville Sentinel (Dem.) with the world at large, especially with Europe, must be clarified observes that “the maliciously minded are now saying that before economic stability is possible in the United States.” ‘stability' is another way of passing the word to “standpat'";
But how is this policy of “stability" to be translated into a and the Democratic New York World lays it down as axiomatic
legislative program? David Lawrence, in his syndicated political that “in a time of change no policy is so unstable as stability.”
dispatches, tells us that we are not likely to know until the new The Springfield Republican comes to the conclusion that “each
President sends in his first message to Congress. And even person can interpret stability to suit himself, but if every one will
after Congress meets, “no commitments in favor of or against see it incarnated in Calvin Coolidge, nothing can shake his
anything will be given until absolutely required. Congress will Administration."
have a hard time guessing the man in the White House." President Coolidge himself has made it clear to the press corre
In the meantime, the correspondents hazard a few guesses. spondents that by a policy of stability he means that his Administration does not intend to “surrender to every emotional move
As Mr. Coolidge is “a personal economist," it is agreed that he
will try to pare the government budgets to the limit, that he will ment seeking remedies for economic conditions by legislation.”
try to get the maximum amount of work out of government emIts chief aim, we read in a New York Times dispatch, will be to
ployees, that he favors reorganizing the executive departments, bring about a stability which will make it possible for business
and that he wants lower taxes. Senator Arthur Capper credits men and others to know with some certainty what conditions
the new President with an acute interest in the farm problem and will prevail for a fixt time. In a New York World dispatch it is
a genuine appreciation of the farmers' distress. At a recent meetexplained that the President will not use his authority to alter
ing of the Cabinet it was decided that the President would call tariff rates unless it is absolutely necessary; that the President
regional conferences to consider the well-being of the farmers. will not "rush to the front with proposals to Congress that would
As regards the World Court, the President has given no intitend to undermine stability”; that he will refrain from fostering
mation of his course. Some correspondents venture vague excessive political speculation; that he “approves of public dis
guesses, how inconclusive may be gathered from the fact that cussion of peace, and that he is reassured about the agricultural
within two or three days such opposite headlines appear on press situation.” Well, observes the Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.) “this is the kind of assurance that will be appreciated." In
dispatches as the following: “Coolidge Will Avoid Urging World
Court Proposal on Senate”; “President Decides to Press Senate playing for stability, agrees the Troy Record (Rep.), the new
to Vote on Court." The most definite attempt to show where President “is doing the very things that are most likely to keep
Mr. Coolidge stands on the major issues is given as follows in a him in office for another term.” The President's statement of
United Press dispatch from Washington appearing in The Wall policy, writes B. C. Forbes on the financial page of the New York
Street Journal: American, “has made a great hit with business men.” From The Iron Trade Review (Cleveland) comes this approving word: “PROHIBITION. He favors fullest enforcement, but with a “such sound attitudes upon the things which concern the coun- greater measure of cooperation from the States. He does not try's commercial welfare will quickly cement the confidence of
wish to put any greater responsibility on the States; he believes business in the Administration if this is not already the case.”
that responsibility already fixt, and he intends, if possible, to
have the States meet their responsibilities. “Good hard sense,” is the Philadelphia Public Ledger's charac- “Soldier BonuS. Mr. Coolidge's position here is that octerization of the Coolidge policy of "stability." It says:
cupied by Mr. Harding—that a bonus bill must be accompanied
by practical measures for providing the necessary money, or that “This country has come to a considerable degree of “normalcy.' the money must be in sight from some other source. He strongly What it needs now is a stabilization of its favorable situation and favors the principle of adjusted compensation, however, and confidence that this will continue. Wages are very high and would veto a bonus bill only if convinced it was uneconomic unemployment is negligible. Labor is, indeed, very well off. legislation. Business is good and industry is humming. The farm hysteria is "MERCHANT MARINE. Pledged to preserve the American hardly as vocal now as it was thirty days ago. Outside the wheat merchant marine, the President will accept the plan worked out States, the farmer is going along very well. He has ample credit by the Shipping Board for indirect government operation through --too much, in fact, according to his best friends. The all-round 18 subsidiary corporations if he can be convinced of (1) its condition of the country is sound and warrants much optimism. legality, and (2) its economic soundness. He will reject it if he
“Far-reaching changes, such as are constantly sought by the can not be shown that it will materially reduce present losses,