desist orders studied were of perpetual duration. Such orders would extend over the life of the firm regardless of changes in conditions their prohibitions of discriminatory pricing to the particular to a fine of $10,000 with each day of violation constituting a Upon advice of counsel, therefore, a businessman must consider the cost to his entire business of a pricing action perhaps limited to a single customer, a single market and a short period of time. The risk of a broad and unconditional order applying to his pricing practices in all markets, violation of which may be tremendously expensive, may well convince him to avoid selective price reductions. In private litigation, the risk to sellers and buyers flows from the possible award of substantial money damages to the plaintiff. award of damages in many jurisdictions does not require proof of actual injury. Damages, in these jurisdictions, are computed by multiplying the amount of the discrimination times the number of goods which the disfavored purchaser has acquired. The result, of course, is to place control of the size of the damage award in the hands of the prospective plantiff. 76 75 15 U.S.C. § 45(1) (Supp. IV 1974). 76 Fowler Mfg. Co. v. Gorlick, 415 F.2d 1248 (9th Cir. 1969); Elizabeth Arden Sales Corp. v. Gus Blass Co., 150 F.2d 988 (8th Cir. 1945). Compounding the problem is the fact that, since Section 2 of the Robinson-Patman Act is designated as one of the antitrust laws, 6. The Overall Effect of Robinson-Patman Is To Instill The Robinson-Patman Act creates an overwhelming legal barrier for those firms contemplating price adjustment in response to specific competitive demands by less than all customers. The charging of prices sufficiently different in amount to affect resale prices creates a virtual presumption of illegality and rebuttal of that presumption is difficult if not impossible. The affirmative defenses are difficult to prove and require accounting procedures foreign to the businessman. Other avenues of competition, such as brokerage and promotion, are discouraged by the per se nature of the sections of the 77/ 15 U.S.C. § 15; 15 U.S.C. § 12. statute governing those activities. And the penalties for violation of the Act are out of all proportion to any potential injury which might result from price discrimination. To be sure, the Act does not compel a finding of liability in every case of price discrimination. A firm charged with a violation may be able to demonstrate lack of competitive injury or the applicability of one of the defenses. 78/ However, evidence before the Review Group and leading Robinson-Patman cases show that this possibility is slight and the risks great. A conscientious attorney must counsel restraint on the basis of numerous cases which impose liability for pricing practices similar to those that a client may So advised, a rational businessman will find that be considering. the risks of selective discounting under Robinson-Patman are severe. The reasonable and necessary consequence of Robinson-Patman's bias must be to create in the business community an atmosphere where caution, not competition, is the rule in setting non-uniform prices. The biases built into the Act catch the unwary violator, of course, as is demonstrated by a reading of Robinson-Patman case law. But the deterrent effect on wary businessmen contemplating the legality of a price reduction is the real harm, since the pricing practices which give rise to liability under the statute in many cases are those necessary to the proper functioning of the marketplace. B. Robinson-Patman Reduces Pricing Flexibility, Discourages the Development of Efficient Distribution Systems and The previous section of this chapter explains how Robinson-Patman extends the impact of the statute beyond that of protecting competition. The Report will now take a hard look at the problems which Robinson-Patman has caused for businessmen, both large and small, and for the American consumer. Two seeming difficulties with any discussion of the Act's effects initially must be confronted. The first is the lack of any quantitative study of the overall dollar cost of Robinson-Patman enforcement. The way in which economists and statisticians normally go about determining the cost of a particular statute or other governmental policy is to do a comparative study of business behavior before and after that policy goes into effect, or to perform a "controlled" experiment. A "controlled" experiment is carried out by comparing business behavior in one sector of the economy or region of country where the statute applies with the behavior of firms in a similar market not covered by the law. Studies of this type were conducted to determine the effect, if any, of "Fair Trade" statutes, the enabling legislation for which was recently repealed by Congress. 79/ Valid comparisons of pricing behavior and the survival rate of small businesses could be made since several states had retail price maintenance statutes, several states did not, and several had price maintenance statutes which were later repealed. Similar studies have also been done comparing regulated and unregulated markets in the trucking and domestic airline industries. 79 Pub. L. No. 94-145, 89 Stat. 801. With Robinson-Patman, though, such studies are not possible. Robinson-Patman applies throughout the United States and covers the sale of most commodities, including almost all products to be sold to retailers. Moreover, insofar as Robinson-Patman inhibits businessmen from competing for new markets or new customers, the costs of RobinsonPatman are "opportunity costs," that is, the costs to an entrepreneur of having to take the second best alternative because his first choice is blocked by Robinson-Patman. Opportunity costs are inherently difficult to measure. The second problem is that the actual impact of Robinson-Patman depends on the degree to which Robinson-Patman is obeyed in the business community: to the extent that the statute is ignored, its adverse effects are proportionately reduced; to the extent it is obeyed, its effects are magnified. But again, such data is difficult to obtain. Consequently, it is necessary to assess the economic effects of Robinson-Patman by evaulating the requirements that the statute places on businessmen, by analyzing actual business behavior affected by Robinson-Patman, and by relying on a presumption which all of those involved in the legislative process must make that businessmen will for the - most part act in the manner logically compelled by a statute and its sanctions. An economist testifying before the Review Group clearly defined the limits of the analytic problem: 80/ The problem with the Robinson-Patman Act is that 80/ Testimony of Kenneth G. Elzinga, DCRG Hearings, Tr. 261-62. |