futility of the Democratic and Re- solve great industrial and social probpublican plans of action for the lems goes, "merely as a red herring amelioration of labor conditions and dragged across the trail to divert our the control of large combinations of people from the real issues." Again corporate interests, as indicated by he spoke of President Wilson's "new their platforms of the year before. freedom" as "a meaningless phrase, He described President Wilson's without one specific proposal for "new freedom" for competition as "the affirmative action," while it "conold license translated into terms of tains repeated, detailed and specific pleasant rhetoric." Mr. Roosevelt misrepresentations as to the Progresurged invoking the "supervisory, regulatory, controlling and directing power of the Government" for the control of vast capitalistic combinations that may threaten the public welfare, as the Progressives were demanding. He denounced certain injunctions in West Virginia as travesties of justice. The West Virginia courts, he affirmed, had set aside laws that had been passed to remedy the evils, finding constitutional flaws and "repudiating the principle of justice on which the laws were based." Mr. Roosevelt asserted that the "Constitution belongs to the people, not the people to the Constitution; and the courts are the servants of the people precisely as all other public servants, legislative and executive alike." Mr. Roosevelt on the Progressive Party. Mr. Roosevelt presented the cause of the Progressive party to the public in an article in the Century Magazine for October, 1913. He asserted that the Progressives were "sundered" from "the men who now control and manage the Republican party by the gulf of their actual practices"; the rank and file of the old party have no real power against the bosses. Those who are opposed to popular government within their party system are so opposed for the same reason that they oppose direct primaries, the initiative and referendum, the right of the people to control their own officials, or to oppose the judges in saying what the constitution means or what the constitution permits in the way of legislation for social and economic justice. They do not wish the people to have control of their own political and governmental machinery. They uphold the divine right of the judges to determine what the people may do under their constitution. As to tariff revision Mr. Roosevelt looked upon it, as far as helping to sive position." As to state and national powers and areas of action, Mr. Roosevelt contends that the promotion of the people's rights should be the criterion for guidance. Where these interests can best be secured by the enlargement of the rights of the states, the Progressives would stand for state rights; where popular interests can best be promoted by the exercise of the powers of the national government, they are for national rights. The people must have direct control over their own governmental agencies. They may reasonably decide what construction is to be placed upon the constitution, a proposal that has nothing whatever to do with an ordinary case at law. Election Results.-During the Fall there were two Congressional by-elections, one in Maine, one in West Virginia. At the special election in the Third Congressional District in Maine on Sept. 8, called to fill a vacancy caused by the death of a member, John A. Peters, the Republican candidate, was successful. He received 15,106 votes as against 14,553 votes for the Democratic candidate and 6,487 votes for the Progressive candidate. The Republican plurality was 553 as against 700 of the year before. In the Presidential election of 1912 the vote in the district stood: Wilson, 14,692; Roosevelt, 13,238; Taft, 7,159. In his campaign the Republican candidate appealed for votes on progressive principles. A by-election was held in the First District of West Virginia on Oct. 14 to fill a vacancy caused by the appointment of John W. Davis Solicitor-General of the United States. M. M. Neely, Democrat, was elected with 14,093 votes to 11.044 for the Republican candidate, 3,717 for the Progressive, and 1,912 for the Socialist. as The general election results in November were decidedly favorable to Massachusetts were to the Progressives. James M. Fielder (Democrat) was elected over ex-Governor Edward C. Stokes (Republican) by a plurality of 22,000, while the vote of the Progressive candidate, Everett Colby, declined to about 45,000, as against 145,000 cast for Mr. Roosevelt the year before. This reverses the position of last year, the Republicans coming into second place. The Progressives account for the decline of their vote by the claim that many New Jersey Progressives wished to sustain the Wilson administration, and to make sure of preventing the return of the Republicans to power in New Jersey they voted directly for the Democratic candidate, Mr. Fielaer. the Democrats, indicating a situation there are as encouraging to the Reamong the voters such as was shown publicans as they contemplate the in the decisive results in the elections future of their party, as those in of 1912. The balloting may be fairly interpreted as an endorsement of the Wilson administration and an indication that the opposition is about as evenly divided as in the preceding year. Democratic Governors were elected in the three states where this office was filled, Massachusetts, New Jersey and Virginia. Two Democratic Congressmen were elected in New York City; George W. Loft to succeed the late Timothy D. Sullivan and Jacob H. Cantor to succeed Francis Burton Harrison, who had accepted appointment as Governor-General of the Philippines. In the Third Massachusetts District the Democrats added 1,090 votes to their strength of 1912, the Progressives held their own, being but two short, while a Republican plurality of 3,203 in 1912 was reduced to a plurality of only 155 in 1913. Democrats were elected also in the Third Maryland and Second Georgia Districts. These "by-election" results may be interpreted as indicating that the Democrats maintained their ground in contests in which national issues were predominant; that the net result would seem to indicate a "vote of confidence" in the Wilson administration, and that there was no rising dissent in the country against the one important achievement of the Democratic party and its leader, the revision of the tariff downward. In Massachusetts, Lieutenant-Governor David I. Walsh (Democrat) was elected Governor by a plurality of 53,691, Charles S. Bird (Progressive) receiving 126,677, Augustus P. Gardner (Republican) 116,314, and Governor Eugene N. Foss (Independent) 20,810. The notable feature in this election was the increased strength of the Progressives. They increased their vote over the previous year and came to occupy second place in the state, also gaining the balance of power in the Legislature, which stands: Republicans, 117; Democrats, 103; Progressives, 17; Independents, two; Socialist, one. In Maryland the Democrats elected Blair Lee to the United States Senate by a plurality of more than 30,000. The most significant municipal election was that in New York, which elected the Fusion nominee for Mayor, John Purroy Mitchel, against the Tammany nominee by a plurality of more than 121,000 votes. The rest of the Fusion ticket, including William A. Prendergast for City Controller, and George McAneny as President of the Board of Aldermen, were also elected by decisive pluralities, a result which will deprive Tammany of the support of public patronage for four years to come. This is one of the most disastrous defeats the Tammany Democracy has ever experienced. It was intensified by the election of a Republican Assembly in the state. Tammany completely dominated the Assembly of 1913, to the extent of forcing the impeachment of the Governor, William Sulzer (see supra). Sulzer was elected to the Assembly on the Progressive ticket, while many of the Tammany-controlled legislators who had voted to impeach him were defeated, another indication of the disposition of the voters to strike at Tammany. The whole result is taken to indicate the beginning of a reconstruction of the Democratic party in New York. In New Jersey, on the other hand, Four cities in Ohio elected Socialist the Republicans gained at the expense Mayors: Coshocton, Hamilton, Marof the Progressives, and the results tin's Ferry (reëlected), and Shelby. The general result of the Fall elections seems to indicate tnat the final outcome of the struggle between the Republicans and the Progressives is yet to be determined. The Fall results in Massachusetts and in New Jersey seem to neutralize one another and leave the situation still in deadlock. The student of politics must look to the elections of 1914 for indication as to the ultimate disposition of these parties. BIBLIOGRAPHY Among the publications appearing in 1913 bearing upon varied aspects of American history, the following may be mentioned as noteworthy, in addition to the special bibliographies mentioned in other departments of the YEAR BOOK: ADAMS, John Quincy.-Writings. Vol. I, 1779-96. Edited by Worthington C. Ford. (Macmillans.) ALLEN, G. W.-A Naval History of the American Revolution. 2 vols. (Houghton, Mifflin.)-An exhaustive compilation of maps, documents, bibliographies, illustrations, etc., from original sources; rather a reference book for the research student than an interesting account for the general reader. (Appletons.) American Year Book, 1912. ANDREWS, C. M.-The Colonial Period. (Holt.) -Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Records Office of Great Britain. Vol. I. (Carnegie Institution.) BEARD, C. A.-Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. (Macmillans.) BEER, G. L.-The Old Colonial System, 1660-1754. 2 vols. An exhaustive and scholarly account of the economic aspects of the English colonial system; a continuation of Origins of the British Colonial System (1909). BOGART, E. L.-Financial History of Ohio. (University of Illinois.) BRADFORD, William.-History of Plymouth Plantation. (Houghton, Mifflin.) The text has been published before but never with such copious and scholarly notes as are supplied by Worthington C. Ford in this edition. CHAPMAN. J. J.-William Lloyd Garri son. (Moffat, Yard.)-Slight and uncritical but stimulating and readable sketch, particularly of the traits of Garrison as man and reformer and the moral temper of his time. COMAN, Katharine. - Economic Beginnings of the Far West. (Macmillans.) -Despite the first word of the title, the book is chiefly a political history. DAWSON, S. M.-A Confederate Girl's Diary. (Houghton, Mimin.)-Kept in Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and "elsewhere during the Civil War; a graphic revelation of the hardships of life in the South at that time. DE KOVEN, A.-Life and Letters of John Paul Jones. (Scribners.) DEWEY, George. Autobiography. (Scribners.)-An interesting and important story told in clear straightforward fashion; two-fifths devoted to the year at Manila. DUNCAN-CLARK, S. J.-The Progressive Movement: Its Principles and its Program. (Small, Maynard.) EARLY, J. A.-Lieut.-Gen. Jubal Anderson Early, C. S. A. (Lippincotts.)An impersonal description of the campaigns and battles in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania in which General Early took part. EDGAR, Lady.-A Colonial Governor in Maryland: Horatio Sharpe and his Times, 1752-73. (Longsmans.) FARRAND, Max.-Framing of the Consti(Yale tution of the United States. University Press.)-The best outline sketch for the general reader; based on the author's Records of the Federal Convention, 1787. FISH, C. R.-Development of American Nationality. (American Book Co.) LA FOLLETTE, R. M.-Autobiography. (Published by the author.) MCDONALD, William.-From Jefferson to Lincoln. (Holt.) MCMASTER, J. B.-History of the People of the United States. Vol. VIII. (Appletons.) This final volume, the last of a series on which the author has spent 30 years, brings the history to the year 1861. Massachuestts Royal Commissions, 16811774. (Colonial Society of Massachusetts' Collections.) MEADE, G. G.-Life and Letters. 2 vol. (Scribners.) MOORE, J. R. H.-Industrial History of the American People. (Macmillans.) -A high school text. PEARSON, H. G. James Wadsworth of Geneseo. (Scribners.) RAY, P. O.-An Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics. (Scribners.) RHODES, J. F.-Lectures on the American Civil War. (Macmillans.)-Three lectures delivered at Oxford in 1912 summarizing the history of the Civil War from 1850 to 1865. RIVES, G. L.-United States and Mexico, 1821-48. 2 vol. (Scribners.)-A scholarly, readable and impartial book based on printed and manuscript sources in English, Spanish and French. SCHOULER, James. History of United States. Vol. VII. 1865-77. (Dodd, Mead.) the SCHURZ, Carl.-Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers. Edited by Frederic Bancroft. 6 vol. (Putnams.) TYLER, M. W.-Recollections of the Civil War. (Putnams.) 2 WILSON, J. H.-Under the Old Flag. vol. (Appletons.) Recollections of military operations in the Civil War, the Spanish War, and the Boxer Rebellion. DOUGLAS, J.-New England and New WOODBURN, J. A.-Life of Thaddeus France. (Putnams.) Stevens. (Bobbs Merrill.) II. POPULAR GOVERNMENT AND CURRENT POLITICS ARTHUR N. HOLCOMBE PROGRESS OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT The most striking event of the year 1913 in connection with the progress of popular government was the ratification by the necessary three-fourths of the states of the Seventeenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, providing for the direct election of United States Senators by the people. During the year the cause of votes for women continued its remarkable gains of recent years and acquired greater strength than ever be fore. The electoral franchise was conferred upon women in the territory of Alaska, and, so far as lay in the power of the legislature, in the state of Illinois. In addition there are ten states in which the question of extending the suffrage to women is a campaign issue to be settled by the people in 1914 or one of the two following years. The total number of woman suffrage states at the end of 1913 was 10. The state-wide direct primary was established in two states in which it had not previously exist ed, raising the total number of states possessing the state-wide direct pri mary to 38. Presidential preference primaries were provided for in at least five states, raising the total number of states possessing the presidential preference primary to 17. The non-partisan method of nominating and electing judges was adopted in six states, and preferential voting was adopted in another state for use in making primary nominations. The initiative, referendum, and recall were adopted in one state, and provision for submitting the two former to the people was made in five other states, where they do not now exist. The total number of states in which the initiative and referendum do now exist is 18 (though in Utah legislation necessary to put the system of direct legislation into effect has never been enacted), and in two states, New Mexico and Massachusetts, the referendum exists alone. The state-wide recall now exists in eight states, and has been proposed for adoption in four others. Finally, the reform of all branches of state government has become one of the questions of the day. DIRECT ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS Ratification of the Seventeenth from South Carolina to Louisiana; Amendment.--On May 31, 1913, the four of the South-Middle states, Secretary of State proclaimed the namely, Delaware, Maryland, Virginratification of the Seventeenth Amend-ia, and Kentucky: and also Rhode ment to the Federal Constitution by three-fourths of the 48 states. Thus the direct election of Senators by the people, already established in fact in half of the states of the Union (A. Y. B., 1912, p. 58), becomes established by law in all. The twelve states which failed to ratify the amendment before the issue of the Secretary of State's proclamation included the six states of the lower South extending Island and Utah. Virginia, Kentucky and the six states of the lower South already possessed the virtual direct election of Senators by means of party rules of the dominant party or of optional direct primary laws accepted by the dominant party, and Maryland had taken steps towards the establishment of a similar practice. Consequently Delaware, Rhode Island and Utah were the only states in which was Seventeenth Amendment neither virtually anticipated by the people nor promptly adopted when submitted to them. Supplementary State Legislation.— The procedure for the direct election of Senators by the people is complete without the enactment of further legislation by the states. The state legislatures, however, are permitted by the Seventeenth Amendment to authorize the governors to make temporary appointments to the Senate, pending the filling of casual vacancies by the people. If the legislatures do not choose to avail themselves of this permission, must issue governors writs for an immediate election when casual vacancies occur. Moreover, special legislation is necessary in order to bring the nomination of Senators within the scope of the direct-primary laws in those states which have not already provided for the direct nomination of Senators. The now obsolete Oregon plan for the direct nomination and election of Senators was adopted in 1913 in Iowa and Ohio, and in Vermont the legislature voted to submit to the people in 1914 the futile question whether provision should be made by law for a popular the Initia Woman tive STATE Suffrage2 Recall1 and Referendum3 Direct Primary Presidential Preference Primary6 Ala P. R8. Ariz9. 1912 1911 1910 1911-12 1909-12| P. R.8 1911 1909 Colo... 1893 1910 1912 1910 1 Dates in italics are those of proposed submission to the people. 2 Votes have also been granted to women in school or other local elections in 21 states where full equal suffrage has not yet been granted. 3 The constitutional initiative has been established in only 11 of these states, the others restricting the initiative to statutes. Four of the 5 states in which the initiative is to be submitted to the people have proposed both the constitutional and the statutory initiative. The recall is not applied to judges in three states where the recall has already been established and in one where it is proposed for adoption. Two additional states, Maryland and 7 In North Carolina, have established the direct primary by law in an incomplete form. In some of these states, as New Hampshire, the people do not indicate their preference by a direct vote on Presidential candidates. Alabama and the southern states generally the direct primary was originally established by voluntary rules of the Democratic party, and in Alabama and a few others it has not yet been perfected by legal enactment. 8 P. R. indicates direct primary by party rules. In Arizona the recall was first adopted in 1911 and extended to judges in 1912. The direct primary was first established by the territorial legislature and extended by the first state legislature. 10 In Illinois votes have been granted to women for statutory, but not for constitutional offices. 11 In Maryland the Presidential preference primary, like the state-wide direct primary, is advisory only, and final action with respect to delegates-at-large and candidates for offices filled by election in the state-atlarge is taken by the regular party state conventions. 12 In Nevada the refer endum was established in 1904 and the initiative was added in 1912. 13 In New Mexico the referendum exists in a limited form, but there is no popular initiative. 14 In Utah the initiative and referendum were adopted in 1900, but legislation necessary to put them into effect has never been enacted. 15 Referendum only. |