of the company, are interested in the store either in a direct or in an indirect way. If they are not, the orders are accepted in payment for goods by some store in the community with which an agreement has previously been made, and are then cashed by the company at a certain per cent of discount. Practically none of the companies furnish board, although it is quite common for mining operators to own a number of houses which they rent to their employees. While these houses are a source of revenue to the company, yielding large returns for the capital invested, they are also a matter of great convenience to some of the miners. Most of them rent for about $2 per month per room. Moreover, they are generally in close proximity to the mine and are desirable on this account, more especially when the mine is in an isolated locality or when it is located at some distance from a town. Most of the houses are small, square or oblong structures of a temporary nature, having three or four rooms, and cost originally $300 or $400 each. Usually they have no cellars and are set upon wooden or brick pillars about 12 or 16 inches above the ground. No fixed rule, however, can be said to exist relative to the construction of company houses, as it varies according to companies and localities.

LIABILITY TO ACCIDENT AND DISEASE.

Liability to accident seems to go hand in hand with carelessness on the part of the English-speaking employees. They also exhibit a desire for large earnings which leads them to neglect their own safety. The non-English-speaking or recent immigrant miners, failing often to understand the orders given them relative to their work are thus liable to accident. The following descriptive extracts from the report of the state mine inspector of Indiana for 1907 are instructive in view of the fact that they, in a measure, are representative of the causes of a majority of the fatal and nonfatal accidents occurring in the Middle West among American and immigrant miners: "

* *

*

June 22, Hiram Miller, American, loader, aged 64 years, leaving a dependent wife, was fatally injured by falling slate in County. At about 12.45 o'clock, noon, decedent was preparing some dummies for the purpose of tamping a shot, and while so engaged he was sitting directly under the slate which caused his death and which he knew to be loose. Suddenly, without warning, the slate gave way and a large piece, measuring 10 feet in length, 5 feet wide, and 6 inches thick, fell on him, crushing his chest and breaking both legs in several places. His injuries were so serious that he died ten minutes later. There were a number of props and cap pieces available near the scene of the accident, and considering the length, breadth, and thickness of the slate, two or more of them should have been set under it. Had this been done the accident in all probability would not have occurred.

July 24, Joso Bieam, miner, 34 years of age, Austrian, was killed by falling slate in * * * County. From evidence elicited at the investigation and an inspection of decedent's working place it was learned that the mine boss had visited Bieam on the morning of the above date, and had noticed some very loose draw slate, which he ordered him to timber and which Bieam agreed to do, after which the boss continued on his way through the mine. This conversation occurred about 8.30 a. m., and was the last seen of Bieam by the mine boss until his death. About 11.30 a. m., while he was loading a car, a piece of the slate 6 feet long, 6 feet wide, and 5 inches thick fell on him and killed him instantly. At the time of the accident Luke Surlos, Austrian, was working with him. An examination of the room where the accident occurred was made by Assistant O'Connor, and it was found to be very poorly timbered. The props were not set closer than within 30 feet of the face, except those which had been

a For full discussion of immigrants in accidents in coal mines, see pp. 209-241.

set under the edge of the slate which fell, and those which were set in many instances had no cap pieces over them, indicating that deceased was not a practical miner nor timberman. This fact was also evidently noticed by the mine boss, and knowing this and that neither the decedent nor his buddy could understand but very little English, probably did not understand his order to set the timbers, he (the mine boss) was negligent in not remaining with them until he knew the place was made safe, or he should have ordered them out of the place and caused it to be timbered by one of the regular timbermen.

In Indiana, Illinois," and Ohio, during the year 1908 there were 341 fatal accidents. Of this number 205, or 60.1 per cent, were due to "falls of roof or coal." There were also 2,247 nonfatal accidents, and of this number 889, or 39.6 per cent, were due to the same cause.*

The American and English-speaking miners throughout the district express an opinion that in any mine where recent immigrants are found in considerable numbers there is a liability to accident not found in other mines, where recent immigrants are few. They claim that this liability to accident arises from three causes:

1. The fact that many of the recent immigrant employees are not practical miners and, therefore, do not realize that any neglect on their part endangers not only their lives but also the lives of the other employees in the mine.

2. The desire on the part of the recent immigrants for large earnings, which leads them to neglect to take the proper measures, even when they realize that they are necessary, relative to timbering and other precautions, for the reason that these measures require a loss of time from their productive work and a consequent decrease in earnings.

3. The fact that a large majority of the recent immigrants can not speak or understand the English language and, consequently, do not understand or correctly interpret the instructions and orders given them by mine bosses, face bosses, foremen, and others in charge of the work.

Practically all mining companies furnish first aid to injured employees. All other expenses incurred through illness are borne by the individual. Aside from rheumatism and a certain pulmonary trouble, physicians residing in the various coal-mining towns of the district state that there is no special liability to disease arising from working in the mines. Throughout the field, sanitary conditions in the mines have been constantly improving for the past nineteen years. Certain measures regarding ventilation and pumping systems have been agreed upon by the United Mine Workers of America and the operators, and have been passed as laws in the various state legislatures, and, as a result, sanitation throughout the district is good.

THE SUPPLY OF IMMIGRANT LABOR.

As a rule the supply of labor in the coal-mining towns throughout this district exceeds the demand. In the event of a shortage of labor at any place, the operators are at liberty to hire whom they please, provided such employees become members of the union before they go to work. No discrimination as to wages for or against immigrants

a The figures for Illinois are for the fiscal year.

b Production of Coal in 1908, Edward W. Parker, U. S. Geological Survey.

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exists, because the scale of wages and prices agreed upon by the mine workers' union and the operators is adhered to strictly. Englishspeaking miners assert, however, that in some instances operators discriminate against them during times when work is slack, because recent immigrants are more easily controlled and will work under worse conditions, thus lessening the cost of production.

RELATIONS AMONG RACES EMPLOYED.

In the southern Illinois coal field, the natives and foreign-born employees as a rule are not segregated at work, while in the northern Illinois field the reverse is true. This applies only to the races from southern and eastern Europe. In no instances are Americans, Eng.. lish, Scotch, and Welsh segregated while at work.

In boarding and lodging places and in housing throughout the entire district, the southern and eastern European races are segregated not only from Americans, English, Scotch, and Welsh, but from one another. In one mining camp in southern Illinois, which may be cited by way of illustration, the Italians were living in one section; the Lithuanians, Slovaks, and Poles in another; the negroes, when employed, in a third; and American whites, English, Scotch, and Welsh in still another section. This arrangement is general throughout the coal fields of Indiana, Ohio, and northern and southern Illinois. The English, Scotch, Welsh, and Germans (where Germans are found) associate freely with each other and with native whites, but rarely with the races from southern and eastern Europe. The South Italians, to some extent, associate with the Lithuanians, Slovaks, and Poles, but as a general rule their social intercourse is confined to their own race. On the other hand, the Slovaks, Poles, and Lithuanians associate freely with one another. In one or two localities North Italians associate more or less with native whites, and occasionally there are marriages between this race and Americans. Although there is no open friction between the races employed at the mines, a pronounced antipathy exists on the part of the native whites and other English-speaking races toward South Italians. A similar antipathy, but to a less extent, is noticeable in the attitude of the Americans and older immigrants toward the Poles.

THE IMMIGRANT AND ORGANIZED LABOR.

The extent to which the immigrant mining employee holds membership in the labor organizations of the mine workers is apparent from a glance at the following table:

TABLE 344.-Affiliation with trade unions of males 21 years of age or over who are working for wages, by general nativity and race of individual.

The large percentage of immigrant employees in the mines who belong to trade unions, as indicated by the above table, is due to the fact, already pointed out, that the mines in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio are practically all unionized, and it is necessary for the immigrant to become a member of the organization before he can secure work. The tendency is, therefore, for the immigrant at first to regard the membership fee in the union as the price paid for his job and to enter the union without any real sympathy with the work of the organization. He is, however, as far as possible, made to conform to the regulations established by the older members of the organization, and gradually comes to regard the union as of benefit to him. Among recent immigrants the North Italians, Lithuanians, and French-Belgians lead the other races in developing enthusiasm for the organization, and the belief is often expressed that, in case of disputes with the operators, these races are more firm and hold out for a longer period than many of the natives. The other races gradually absorb more and more of the spirit of the organization and stand about on a level with one another as regards the interest shown in unionism.

It is claimed by many of the native labor leaders that the ignorance of many of the immigrants and the conditions under which they had been accustomed to work in large measure account for the readiness with which they secure employment in the coal mines. They are tractable, slow to demand an enforcement of the stipulations of the agreement between the operators and the labor organizations, and may be assigned extra work without remuneration, such as clearing fallen slate, laying track, timbering, and handling coal unnecessarily. They are also more willing, as already stated, than are the natives to work under dangerous and insanitary conditions.

In case of injuries, the older employees assert, the immigrants rarely sue for damages. The recent immigrants are said to be more ready and extensive renters of company houses in the villages than are the natives. Members of the unions also claim that in some cases the immigrant fraudulently obtains his membership card from some concern which has taken advantage of him and of the union, or secures it as a present from some friend who is leaving the community.

In many localities, however, the immigrants are enthusiastic in the work of the labor organization and the native members have a high regard for the immigrants as union men. There is a feeling in the majority of the localities in the Middle West that the mining occupations are greatly overcrowded and that there are too many immigrants in the field, but the immigrants in the block-coal district of Indiana have in most instances been there for a long period and are regarded as thoroughgoing labor unionists. The greater amount of enthusiasm shown by immigrants in the work of the local unions in this district is probably due to the fact that the immigration to the block-coal mining localities is of longer standing than that in most mining communities and has responded in great measure to Americanizing influences.

A condition of racial segregation exists in the membership of the local unions in some localities of the block-coal district. There is a Slavic local, an Italian local, and an American local. The Poles and Slovaks are associated in the first, Italians and Tyrolese in the second, and Americans and older immigrants in the third. The segregation of these races in the locals, however, is not absolute. Location of meeting place or other consideration may serve to place a native in the Italian local or an Englishman in the Slavic union, but the separation of the races, as above outlined, is substantially maintained. Such separation is now, however, more or less a survival of the time when the local labor leaders felt that it was inexpedient to attempt to have the recent immigrants mix with the natives in the same organization. At the time when the labor organizations were established in this community this feeling led the local leaders to petition the authorities for separate charters for the immigrants.

In the Illinois coal fields a peculiar situation has developed, in connection with the qualifications imposed upon miners entering the State, which is radically different from the conditions desired by the labor leaders who framed the rules. The general initiation fee of the United Mine Workers of America is $10. The requirements as to the amount of experience a man shall have before he becomes a "practical miner" varies in different States. The policy of the Illinois branch of the organization has been to require a long period of apprenticeship and to demand an increased initiation fee from those who wish to shorten the required period of apprenticeship. The Illinois man who has never worked in the coal mines and is not a miner's son must pay the normal fee and work six years in the mines or pay an initiation fee of $50 and work in the mines for four years and then stand an examination before some miners' examining board in the State in order to become a "practical miner.” The six years' course includes two years at top labor, two years at bottom day labor, and two years as miner's helper. The four-year