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did honourably interpose, both to give space to his brother's intercession, and to show to the world that he had a conflict with himself what he should do, he was arraigned of high treason and condemned, and presently after beheaded.

Yet is it to this day left but in dark memory, both what the case of this noble person was for which he suffered, and what likewise was the ground and cause of his defection, and the alienation of his heart from the king. His case was said to be this: that in discourse between Sir Robert Clifford and him he had said, "That if he were sure that that young man were King Edward's son he would never bear arms against him." This case seems somewhat a hard case, both in respect of the conditional and in respect of the other words. But for the conditional, it seemeth the judges of that time, who were learned men, and the three chief of them of the privy-council, thought it was a dangerous thing to admit ifs and ands, to qualify words of treason, whereby every man might express his malice and blanch his danger. And it was like to the case, in the following times, of Elizabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent, who had said, “That if King Henry the Eighth did not take Catherine his wife again, he should be deprived of his crown, and die the death of a dog." And infinite cases may be put of like nature, which it seemeth the grave judges taking into consideration, would not admit of treasons on condition. And as for the positive words, "That he would not bear arms against King Edward's son," though the words seem calm; yet it was a plain and direct overruling of the king's title, either by the line of Lancaster or by act of parliament; which no doubt pierced the king more than if Stanley had charged his lance upon him in the field. For if Stanley would hold that opinion that a son of King Edward had still the better right, he being so principal a person of authority and favour about the king, it was to teach all England to say as much; and therefore, as those times were, that speech touched the quick. But some writers do put this out of doubt, for they say that Stanley did expressly promise to aid Perkin, and sent him some help of treasure.

Now for the motive of his falling off from the king. It is true that at Bosworth Field the king was beset, and in a manner enclosed round about by the troops of King Richard,

and in manifest danger of his life, when this Stanley was sent by his brother with three thousand men to his rescue, which he performed so that King Richard was slain upon the place. So as the condition of mortal men is not capable of a greater benefit than the king received by the hands of Stanley, being like the benefit of Christ, at once to save and crown; for which service the king gave him great gifts, made him his counsellor and chamberlain, and, somewhat contrary to his nature, had winked at the great spoils of Bosworth Field, which came almost wholly to this man's hands, to his infinite enriching. Yet, nevertheless, blown up with the conceit of his merit, he did not think he had received good measure from the king, at least not pressing down and running over, as he expected. And his ambition was so exorbitant and unbounded, as he became suitor to the king for the earldom of Chester, which ever being a kind of appendage to the principality of Wales, and using to go to the king's son, his suit did not only end in a denial, but in a distaste; the king perceiving thereby that his desires were intemperate, and his cogitations vast and irregular, and that his former benefits were but cheap and lightly regarded by him; wherefore the king began not to brook him well. And as a little leaven of new distaste doth commonly sour the whole lump of former merits, the king's wit began now to suggest unto his passion that Stanley at Bosworth Field, though he came time enough to save his life, yet he stayed long enough to endanger it. But yet having no matter against him, he continued him in his places until this his fall.

After him was made lord chamberlain, Giles, Lord D'Aubigney, a man of great sufficiency and valour, the more because he was gentle and moderate.

There was a common opinion, that Sir Robert Clifford, who now was become the state informer, was from the beginning an emissary and spy of the king's; and that he fled over into Flanders with his consent and privity. But this is not probable; both because he never recovered that degree of grace which he had with the king before his going over; and chiefly, for that the discovery which he had made touching the lord chamberlain, which was his great service, grew not

from any thing he learned abroad, for that he knew it well before he went.

These executions, and especially that of the lord chamberlain, which was the chief strength of the party, and by means of Sir Robert Clifford, who was the most inward man of trust amongst them, did extremely quail the design of Perkin and his complices, as well through discouragement as distrust; so that they were now, like sand without lime, ill bound together; especially as many as were English, who were at a gaze, looking strange one upon another, not knowing who was faithful to their side; but thinking, that the king, what with his baits, and what with his nets, would draw them all unto him that were anything worth. And indeed it came to pass, that divers came away by the thread, sometimes one, and sometimes another. Barley, that was joint commissioner with Clifford, did hold out one of the longest, till Perkin was far worn; yet made his peace at the length. But the fall of this great man, being in so high authority and favour, as was thought, with the king; and the manner of carriage of the business, as if there had been secret inquisition upon him for a great time before; and the cause for which he suffered, which was little more than for saying in effect that the title of York was better than the title of Lancaster-which was the case of almost every man, at the least in opinion-was matter of great terror amongst all the king's servants and subjects; insomuch as no man almost thought himself secure, and men durst scarce commune or talk one with another, but there was a general diffidence everywhere: which nevertheless made the king rather more absolute than more safe. For "bleeding inwards, and shut vapours, strangle soonest, and oppress most."

Hereupon presently came forth swarms and volleys of libels, which are the gusts of liberty of speech restrained, and the females of sedition, containing bitter invectives and slanders against the king and some of the council: for the contriving and dispersing whereof, after great diligence of inquiry, five mean persons were caught up and executed.

Meanwhile the king did not neglect Ireland, being the soil where these mushrooms and upstart weeds, that spring up in a night, did chiefly prosper. He sent therefore from hence,

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A to do discovered in the king that Watermandis, nourished and whet on by bad 11'scets, proved the blot of his times: course he took to crush treasure out of his by ta toitures upon penal laws. At this men were at this time, because it appeared plainly Ang's nature, and not out of his necessity, he in flout for treasure: for that he had newly revived the peace-money from France, the benevolence-money om his subjects, and great casualties upon the confiscations of the lord chamberlain, and divers others. The first noted case of this kind was that of Sir William Capel, alderman of London; who, upon sundry penal laws, was condemned in the sum of seven and twenty hundred pounds, and `com.

pounded with the king for sixteen hundred and yet after, Empson would have cut another chop out of him, if the king had not died in the instant.

The summer following, the king, to comfort his mother, whom he did always tenderly love and revere, and to make open demonstration to the world, that the proceedings against Sir William Stanley, which were imposed upon him by necessity of state, had not in any degree diminished the affection he bare to Thomas his brother, went in progress to Latham, to make merry with his mother and the earl, and lay there divers days.

During this progress, Perkin Warbeck, finding that time. and temporizing, which, whilst his practices were covert and wrought well in England, made for him; did now, when they were discovered and defeated, rather make against him, for that when matters once go down the hill, they stay not without a new force; resolved to try his adventure in some exploit upon England-hoping still upon the affections of the common people towards the house of York. Which body of common people he thought was not to be practised upon, as persons of quality are; but that the only practice upon their affections was to set up a standard in the field. The place where he should make his attempt, he chose to be the coast of Kent.

The king by this time was grown to such a height of reputation for cunning and policy, that every accident and event that went well, was laid and imputed to his foresight, as if he had set it before: as in this particular of Perkin's design upon Kent. For the world would not believe afterwards, but the king, having secret intelligence of Perkin's intention for Kent, the better to draw it on, went of purpose into the north afar off, laying an open side unto Perkin, to make him come to the close, and so to trip up his heels, having made sure in Kent beforehand.

But so it was, that Perkin had gathered together a power of all nations, neither in number, nor in the hardiness and courage of the persons, contemptible, but in their nature and fortunes to be feared, as well of friends as enemies; being bankrupts, and many of them felons, and such as lived by rapine. These he put to sea, and arrived upon the coast of Sandwich and Deal in Kent, about July.

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