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The Painter and Decorator

Devoted to the interests of

House, Sign, Pictorial, Coach, Car, Carriage, Machinery, Ship and Railroad Equipment Painters, Decorators, Paperhangers, Varnishers, Enamelers, Gilders, Glaziers, Art Glass Workers, Bevelers, Cutters and other workers in glass used for architectural and decorative purposes, and the Trades Union Movement in General

Its

Statement of Ownership and Management (Required by the Act of August 24, 1912.) The Painter and Decorator is published monthly at LaFayette, Ind., by the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America. editor, managing editor and business manager is J. C. Skemp. Its owners are the members of the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America, and no individual, firm or corporation owns 1 per cent or more of its stock; neither has it any bonded or other indebtedness. J. C. SKEMP, G. S.-T. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 5th day of October, 1917. (Seal) Sam S. Savage, Notary Public. (My commission expires January 9, 1918.)

ADVERTISING

Correspondence relating to advertising should be addressed to A. S. Murphy, Advertising Solicitor, Colonial Trust Building, Philadelphia, Pa.

The publisher reserves the right to reject or cancel advertising contracts at any time.

The Painter and Decorator, published at LaFayette, Ind., is the official journal of the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America and the only publication issued under the auspices of that organization.

Mr. A. S. Murphy is the only person authorized to solicit advertising for the official journal of the Brotherhood. Local Unions and District Councils publishing programs, semi-annuals, annuals or souvenir publications of any description should refrain from designating them as "Official Journal of the Brotherhood," either upon the publication itself or on their advertising contract forms or stationery.

Matter for publication in The Painter and Decorator must be in this office by the 24th of the month previous to the month of issue.

Correspondents will please write on one side of the paper only. We are not responsible for views expressed by correspondents. Address all mail matter to J. C. Skemp, Editor, Drawer 99, LaFayette, Ind.

Entered as second-class matter July 14th. 1905, at the post office at LaFayette, Ind., under the act of Congress of March 3, 1879.

Labor and reform papers are respectfully requested to exchange with The Painter and Deco

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GEO. F. HEDRICK, General President,
Drawer 99, LaFayette, Ind.
J. C. SKEMP, General Secretary-Treasurer,
Drawer 99, LaFayette, Ind.
JOHN M. FINAN, 1st Gen. Vice-President.
612 Garfield Ave., Chicago, Ill.
JOSEPH F. KELLEY, 2nd Gen. Vice-President,
437 South 55th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
CHAS. A. CULLEN, 3rd Gen. Vice-President,

1 Fairmont Ave., Worcester, Mass. JOS. F. CLARKE, 4th Gen. Vice-President,

1804 S. 11th St., Tacoma, Wash. CLARENCE E. SWICK, 5th Gen. Vice-President, P. O. Box 304, Memphis, Tenn.

A. E. SCOTT, 6th Gen. Vice-President,

Box 2012, Winnipeg, Man., Can.

"There is no wealth but life."-Ruskin. There are men who will not hesitate to rob a widow, but as a rule, such degenerates do not care to advertise their crimes. The insurance companies that underwrite employers' risks under workmen's compensation laws have no such sense of shame.

A case in point: The Appellate Court of Indiana recently refused to approve a lump-sum settlement that a well known insurance company had negotiated with a widow. The husband had been killed in the course of his employment and under the state Workmen's Compensation law his widow was entitled to receive $5.50 a week for three hundred weeks- a total of $1,650. But the widow had contracted debts and was being pressed for the money. The insurance company, in its generosity, offered to give the widow $500 in cash upon her signing away her rights to further compensation. Fortunately such agreements have to be approved by the Industrial Board that has charge of the administration of the Workmen's Compensation law. The Board declined to approve the unholy bargain and the insurance company, loath to lose the chance to evade its legal obligation, carried the case to the Appellate Court.

The Courts of Indiana are not prejudiced against corporations but this deliberate attempt to take advantage of a widow's needs to rob her of two-thirds of her just dues was too brazen and conscienceless. The Court refused to be a party to a contemptible and dishonest transaction.

But suppose the matter had never been brought to the attention of the Court? Suppose the members of the Industrial Board had been less conscientious or that their appointment had been suggested by some politician interested in the insurance business or made by a Governor under political obligation to the insurance corporations and more considerate of their interests than of those of a widow without influence or friends?

The compensation provided under the Indiana act is inadequate-it is an outrage that insurance companies should be allowed the opportunity to coerce or induce the injured workman or the grief stricken widow to accept less than the meager amount provided.

This case one of many-demonstrates that insurance companies should not be permitted to write workmen's compensation insurance a State insurance fund should be created and all employers should be required to insure their risks with the State. It would not be necessary for the State to rob the widow and orphan to secure funds

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with which to pay big dividends to stockholders, high salaries to officials and liberal commissions to agents.

The State of Ohio has driven the insurance companies out of the business. The State of New York is involved in a continuous fight because of the efforts of the casualty companies to persuade or coerce employers into buying insurance from them instead of insuring with the State.

Workmen's compensation insurance should be a state monopoly, as it is in the State of Washington. This is the only solution of the problem.

Next month we elect General Officers and delegates of the Brotherhood to Conventions of the American Federation of Labor and of its Building Trades Department. The election will be through the Referendum which gives each member an equal opportunity to express his individual choice; the most democratic method of election yet devised. The conduct of the election in the local unions rests with the officers but, the duty of exercising the right to vote and of seeing that his vote is honestly recorded rests upon the individual member. The responsibility for the success of the election is shared by each and all of us.

The ballots and other election supplies and instructions to local union Election Boards and members will be forwarded to each local union before the 1st of December and arrangements should at once be made for the calling of a special meeting-all members to be notified-for the holding of the election which may be on or after the second Saturday in December. Every member physically able to attend should cast his ballot, which should express his personal preference based upon judgment reached after careful inquiry into the fitness of the different candidates for the various positions to be filled. In voting, each member should act with an eye single to the service of the Brotherhood. Racial, religious and personal prejudice should be forgotten. The character of the man and his ability to fill the position should determine the choice.

Every candidate is entitled to a square deal. The membership should be made acquainted with the records and the qualifications of all, and any attempt to exercise undue influence should be sternly discountenanced.

Especially important is it that the election shall be clean. No system of voting is perfect. Even under the referendum fraud is possible. It is conceivable that the election board of a local union might conspire to vote absentee members. If all of

ficers of the local were parties to such a conspiracy, it would be impossible to prevent its consummation unless other members of the local union took sufficient interest in the election to watch the balloting. Such practices are not common, but in previous elections the returns from some local unions have been unanimous and so large a percentage of the membership has voted that the General Election Board has been morally convinced that the returns were padded but had no actual evidence to justify it in refusing to consider the returns. Members having knowledge of any violation of the law in the coming election should file protests with the Election Board. With the protests should be forwarded the evidence in the form of affidavits.

Millions of lives are being sacrificed that democracy may not die. If democratic government is so precious a heritage that men do not hesitate to die for it, surely it is good enough to live by. Let us keep it pure and undefiled.

We are jealous of the reputation of our Brotherhood. Here and now is the opportunity for us to keep it unsullied.

The election should be so conducted that it may leave no bitterness. Neither victor nor vanquished have cause for regret in a clean fight. No honest man would wish to see his opponent defeated by unfair methods. We are confident that any, who by their zeal for the success of those candidates whom they wish to see victorious might be tempted to resort to unfair practices, will resist the temptation so that returns made by the local unions will be an honest and accurate record of the expression of the will of the members present and voting in the election.

Members who have enlisted or who have been called to service in the National Army under the Selective Draft law should apply for Government insurance. It is the cheapest and safest insurance to be had as it is sold at cost-the Government bearing the incidental expenses of administration. It gives liberal protection to the insured soldier and those dependent upon him in case of his death or disability. The premium rates vary slightly according to the age of the applicant but average 75 cents per month on a policy of $1,000. The policy holder does not have to die to win. Liberal payments in case of total or partial disability are one of the features of the policy.

The coming of Thanksgiving Day serves to remind us that even amidst the overwhelming sorrow and tragedy of the Great War we have reason to be thankful. Out

of the stupendous evil of the crime of the ages, some good has come and more will follow. Passing through its fiery baptism nations are being chastened, lords and rulers humbled; sordid aims and purposes brazenly proclaimed at the inception of the struggle have been renounced; a war for political and commercial supremacy has developed into a conflict between autocracy and militarism on the one side as against democracy and permanent peace on the other.

Russia, her shackles broken, is emerging out of the darkness of the centuries into the dawn of liberty, uncertain of her step but eagerly pressing forward and upward.

The whole world bears witness to the power of the workers. Powerful governments and mighty rulers confess that they are helpless without the support and assistance of the men in the field, the mine and the workshop. Out of the world's travail a new order of things comes into being.

The American people must share the sacrifices to be made and suffer the agonies incidental to the tremendous upheaval but our shores are safe from the invader and as yet death has not made our hearts sad and our homes desolate.

In this world crisis that is shaking industrial as well as social and political institutions to their foundations the American trade union movement has maintained the rights established and the conditions won by long years of struggle and suffering. The worth, the efficiency and power of our movement are being made manifest and being recognized as never before in the history of the age-long struggle of the toiling masses for freedom and justice. Even though the whole world has abandoned its constructive work and is concentrating all its energies and resources to the destruction of life and of all that has been accomplished through centuries, though the existence of civilization is in the balance and reversion to barbarism threatens, still is there ample reason for hope for the world's future. The darkest hour is that before the dawn.

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Labor conscription is in the air. Under a specious plea of military necessity some of the blatant daily newspapers that prostitute patriotism by making it a commercial asset are openly urging the enactment of laws empowering the government to draft men for employment in the ship yards, munition factories and the steel mills.

Half a million men are needed to build ships. The concerns that have large con

tracts would have the government guarantee them an ample supply of labor at a price that would insure them fat profits. They are uneasy at the insistent demands of organized labor for the observance of union conditions and for an increase in wages that will offset the war prices of food, fuel, clothing and shelter. They delude themselves into the belief that strikes would be suppressed with an iron hand under a system of compulsory industrial service.

Compulsory service is slavery; that the government be the employer does not change the fact or make the condition more tolerable. Organized labor will not submit to involuntary servitude. Any attempt to force men to enter the employment of the government or of government contractors would defeat its own end. is impossible to conceive of any other measure that would be so bitterly resented by the workers, that would make war so unpopular and deprive the government of the support most essential to its successful conduct.

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The cantonment camps were built on time and with free labor. The ship building program can be carried to a successful conclusion provided the same sane judgment and reasonableness are shown. If union conditions are observed and liberal wages paid, men will gladly accept employment with Uncle Sam or with private employers having government contracts.

Congress refused to conscript wealth— even surplus wealth. It would make a serious mistake were it to attempt to deprive the workers of their right to decide where and for whom they will work. The members of organized labor are loyal and law-abiding Americans who prize their rights as free men too highly to surrender them at the bidding of a group of men whose pecuniary interests justify suspicion of their motives and sincerity.

Members who think of enlisting or who have been drafted but not yet called to the colors should write to the Chief of Ordnance, United States Army, Washington, D. C., for a circular and booklet describing the work of the Enlisted Ordnance Corps. The duty of this branch of the service is to furnish supplies of every description to the men on the fighting line and in order to keep the immense amount of equipment used in good working order mechanics of every de scription are needed. At the present time two hundred painters and eight paint mix. ers are needed for one division. The work to be done is the painting of motor cars, gun-carriages, small arms, signs and in

fact every kind of work other than that upon buildings. This branch of the service should appeal to drafted men to whom the work in the trenches is repellant and who would greatly prefer to follow their trade. The pay is considerably higher than that of the ordinary enlisted men.

This is written for the information of our members of military age whom it may assist in solving a very embarrassing problem.

"I am a painter's wife and am writing to you for help or advice. My husband gets the little book called The Painter and Decorator and I always read it.

"Now I was wondering if something could not be done for our union here. It is run down and the men don't seem to take

any interest in it. Could Mother something be done to of men make them sit up and take notice? If that could happen here it would do a great good. The wage scale here is only $2.50 a day. Now with the lost time a painter has and the high cost of living it is not a living wage. I know the boss painters would pay more wages if the union men would demand it. I don't understand why they don't try and do all they can to make the union a success.

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"Every little while a journeyman starts in business for himself, but what does it amount to? He hasn't the capital to carry it on. Such business hurts the fair boss. If this same journeyman was making a living wage, he would not get discouraged and try such foolishness.

"Perhaps I am saying a whole lot but when I and lots of other painters' wives have to put our shoulder to the wheel and help push all the time, we certainly have a -voice in the matter."

If the members of the local in the small town from which the above letter was received were as good union men as the woman who sent it (pardon the bull), if they had as clear an understanding of union principles and were as interested in their own welfare and as anxious to improve their condition, the letter would not have been written. Instead of working for $2.50 per day, they would be getting $4.00 per day and a woman would not have had to send out a cry for help to induce them to shake off their sloth and do something for themselves and their families. The wholesome discontent of this painter's life partner does credit to her good judgment, to her womanhood and to her sense of responsibility as a mother. Her resentment at the injustice of the meagre wages paid her husband, her earnest desire to do her part in the struggle for better conditions, is inspiring. Such a woman

is worth a dozen men. May her kind multiply until they be as the sands of the sea.

Bread and butter, beef steak and potatoes, milk for the little ones, house rent and clothing for the family cost just as much in the little town where our ambitious painter's wife lives-and where wages are $2.50 per day-as they do in the towns less than fifty miles away where wages are $4.00 a day. And the husband and member does as much and as good work for $2.50 a day as members in other cities do for $4.00 per day, and the low wage man is without work as many days in the year as the fair wage man. The property owners and others who have work done in cheap towns can afford to and, if they have to, will pay the same prices as are paid by property owners where wages are $4.00 per day.

It is the journeyman's move. The boss isn't going to pay higher wages until he has to, the property owner isn't going to pay more for his work than the bill calls for. Here's hoping that the husband will read his wife's letter, feel ashamed of himself and get busy.

The constitution gives the sign painter engaged in road work the privilege of carrying a traveling card, which relieves him from the necessity of depositing and obtaining a clearance card in every town he visits. This traveling card is issued by the local having jurisdiction over the shop out of which the member is working.

Once in a while the road man forgets to obtain a card or to pay his dues; occasionally a Chicago, Buffalo or Boston firm picks up a member in a small town where the scale is low and sends him out on the road at his home scale; the law requires that he shall deposit his card in the local having jurisdiction over the shop and receive the scale of that local.

See that the road man who works in your jurisdiction is right. Don't forget to ask him for his card.

Members of the Brotherhood who have been drafted but not yet called, or who have not been drafted but think of enlisting, should read the information regarding the Ordnance Corps appearing on page 633 of this issue. This branch of the service affords an acceptable alternative to those that have compunctions regarding the grim duties of the soldier; to whom work in the trenches-actual fighting-would be distasteful. Aside from the nature of the work the inducements in the way of pay and opportunities for advancement are matters worth while considering.

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