Heaven for past success, and confidence of it in the future. For my own part, I ask no greater blessing than to share with you the common danger and common glory. If I have a wish dearer to my soul than that my ashes may be mingled with those of a Warren 1 and Montgomery, it is that these American States may never cease to be free and independent.

2

1

1 General Warren, who was killed at Bunker Hill. See biographical note, page 15.

2 General Richard Montgomery (1736-1775) was born in Ireland. He fought under Wolfe, and later settled and married in America. At the outbreak of the Revolutionary War he was appointed brigadier general. He captured Montreal in 1775, but was killed during an assault on Quebec in the same year.

ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION1

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

(1787)

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (1706-1790) was born at Boston, Massachusetts. He learned the printer's trade, and established himself at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was a delegate to the Continental Congress, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, United States

minister to France, a delegate to the convention which framed the Federal Constitution, and governor of Pennsylvania from 1785 to 1788. He published "Poor Richard's Almanac," several works on electricity, and numerous political pamphlets. He died at Philadelphia.

I confess that I do not entirely approve of this Constitution at present; but, sir, I am not sure I shall never approve of it; for, having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged, by better information or fuller consideration, to change opinions, even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. But, though many private persons think

1 From a speech delivered before the Constitutional Convention which met in Philadelphia, 1787.

almost as highly of their infallibility as of that of their sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister, said, "But I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right."

In these sentiments, sir, I agree to this Constitution, with all its faults, if they are such, because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people if well administered; and I believe, further, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain may be able to make a better Constitution; for, when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected?

It therefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our counsels are confounded like those of the builders of Babel, and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats. Thus I consent, sir, to this Constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the

public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die.

If every one of us, returning to our constituents, were to report the objections he had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends on opinion, on the general opinion of the goodness of that government, as well as the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, that we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this Constitution wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered.

On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the convention who may still have objections to it, would, with me on this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and, to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument.

ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION1

ALEXANDER HAMILTON

(1788)

ALEXANDER HAMILTON (1757-1804), statesman, was born in Nevis, an island of the West Indies. His mother dying while he was a child, he was sent to Santa Cruz to her relatives, where, at the age of twelve, he became a clerk in a counting house. Upon evincing some literary talent, he was sent to New Jersey to attend school, later entering King's (now Columbia) College. He soon began to attract attention by his speeches, pamphlets, and articles on political affairs. He served with honor in Washington's army. Leaving the army, he studied law, and became a member of Congress. He was the first Secretary of the

United States Treasury, and occupied several other positions of importance. He was challenged to a duel by Aaron Burr, who blamed Hamilton for his defeat as candidate for the governorship of New York. Hamilton did not fire at his opponent, but Burr's first shot proved mortal.

There are certain social principles in human nature from which we may draw the most solid conclusions with respect to the conduct of individuals and of communities. We love our families more than our neighbors; we love our neighbors more than our countrymen in general. The human affections, like the solar heat, lose their intensity as they depart from the center,

1 From an address delivered before the New York Convention, called to pass upon the proposed Constitution of the United States.