patience and attention to the whole range of argument, that may, perhaps, appear uncommon in many things, as well as to points of learning that are more remote and unusual that the whole tendency of my design may the more easily be perceived, the conclusions better descend, and the force of them be better felt.

I shall not think much of my pains in this cause, as I engaged in it from principle. I was solicited to argue this cause as Advocate General; and because I would not, I have been charged with desertion from my office. To this charge I can give a very sufficient answer. I renounced that office, and I argue this cause from the same principle; and I argue it with the greater pleasure, as it is in favor of British liberty, at a time when we hear the greatest monarch' upon earth declaring from his throne that he glories in the name of Briton, and that the privileges of his people are dearer to him than the most valuable prerogatives of his crown; and as it is in opposition to a kind of power, the exercise of which, in former periods of history, cost one king2 of England his head and another his throne. I have taken more pains in this cause than I ever will take again, although my engaging in this and another popular cause has raised much resentment. But I think I can sincerely declare, that I cheerfully submit myself to every odious name for conscience' sake; and from my soul I despise all those whose guilt, malice, or folly has made them my foes. Let the consequences be what they will, I am determined to proceed. The only principles of public conduct, that are worthy of a gentleman or a man, are to sacrifice estate, ease, health, 1 George III, king of Great Britain. 2 Charles I. 3 James II.

3

and applause, and even life, to the sacred calls of his country.

These manly sentiments, in private life, make the good citizen; in public life, the patriot and the hero. I do not say that when brought to the test, I shall be invincible. I pray God I may never be brought to the melancholy trial; but if ever I should, it will be then known how far I can reduce to practice principles which I know to be founded on truth.

STANDING ARMIES1

JOSEPH WARREN

(1772)

JOSEPH WARREN (1741-1775), patriot, was born at Roxbury, Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard College, and afterwards studied medicine and practiced in Boston. In March, 1772, he delivered the Anniversary Oration on the "Boston Massacre." In October, 1774, he was appointed chairman of the Committee of Safety. On the eighteenth of April, 1775, he dispatched William Dawes and Paul Revere to Lexington and Concord, to warn the patriots of the arrival of the British troops. He was appointed major-general of Massachusetts troops, but served as a volunteer in the battle of Bunker Hill, where he was wounded in the head by a musket ball, and while lying in the trenches was bayoneted and killed by a British soldier.

The ruinous consequences of standing armies to free communities may be seen in the histories of Syracuse,2 Rome, and many other once flourishing states, some of

1 From an oration delivered in the Old South Church, Boston, on the second anniversary of the Boston massacre.

2 A populous city in Sicily, long under the rule of tyrants.

3 Rome ruled the world for centuries through her standing armies.

which have now scarce a name! Their baneful influence is most suddenly felt when they are placed in populous cities; for, by a corruption of morals, the public happiness is immediately affected! and that this is one of the effects of quartering troops in populous cities is a truth to which many a mourning parent, many a lost, despairing child, in this metropolis, must bear a very melancholy testimony. Soldiers are also taught to consider arms as the only arbiters by which every dispute is to be decided between contending states; they are instructed implicitly to obey their commanders without inquiring into the justice of the cause they are engaged to support; hence it is that they ever are to be dreaded as the ready engines of tyranny and oppression. And it is, too, observable that they are prone to introduce the same mode of decision in the disputes of individuals, and from thence have often arisen great animosity between them and the inhabitants, who, whilst in a naked defenseless state, are frequently insulted and abused by an armed soldiery.

And this will be more especially the case when the troops are informed that the intention of their being stationed in any city is to overawe the inhabitants. That this was the avowed design of stationing an armed force in this town is sufficiently known; and we, my fellow citizens, have seen, we have felt, the tragical effect! The fatal fifth of March, 1770,' can never be forgotten. The horrors of that dreadful night are but too deeply impressed on our hearts.

Language is too feeble to paint the emotion of our souls when our streets were stained with the blood of

1 The date of the Boston massacre.

our brethren

when our ears were wounded by the groans of the dying, and our eyes were tormented with the sight of the mangled bodies of the dead. When we beheld the authors of our distress parading in our streets or drawn up in a regular battalia, as though in a hostile city, our hearts beat to arms; we snatched our weapons, almost resolved by one decisive stroke to avenge the death of our slaughtered brethren and to secure from future danger all that we held most dear; but propitious heaven forbade the bloody carnage and saved the threatened victims of our too keen resentment, not by their discipline, not by their regular array no, it was royal George's livery that proved their shield — it was that which turned the pointed engines of destruction from their breasts. The thoughts of vengeance were soon buried in our inbred affection to Great Britain, and calm reason dictated a method of removing the troops more mild than an immediate resource to the sword. With united efforts you urged the immediate departure of the troops from the town; you urged it, with a resolution which insured success; you obtained your wishes, and the removal of the troops was effected without one drop of their blood being shed by the inhabitants.

life.

JOHN LOGAN (1725-1780) was a famous Indian chief. He was a Cayuga by birth, but later became a chief of the Mingoes. His real name was Tahgahjute, and the English name of Logan was given to him in honor of James Logan, secretary to William Penn. Until 1774, chief Logan was very friendly to the whites, but in that year nearly his whole family was murdered by a band of backwoodsmen led by the keeper of a whisky shop. Frenzied by this outrage, he incited the Indians to war. He himself took over thirty scalps. He refused to sue for peace, along with the other chiefs, and sent instead his famous address to Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia.

GIVE

I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed at me as they passed, and said: "Logan is the friend of white men."

I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap,2 the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature.

1 From an address to Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, composed by Logan, but delivered by John Gibson, a trader. ? Colonel Michael Cresap was not really guilty of the murder.