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Qualities
White-Lead
Should
Possess

FINENESS

To make good paint, whitelead should be so fine that, with an excess of oil, it will not feel hard and gritty when rubbed with the finger on a piece of glass or smooth slate. If the pigment particles are not sufficiently fine, the oiltaking power of white-lead will be poor, it will not tint properly, it will not penetrate deeply, it will not work well under the brush and the film of paint will not be even and dense.

The white-lead bearing the Dutch Boy Painter trade-mark is exceedingly fine. It must pass through a silk screen containing 27,000 holes to the square inch or it is rejected.

NATIONAL

LEAD COMPANY

New York, Buffalo,

St. Louis, Boston.

Cleveland, San Francisco

(John T. Lewis & Bros. Co., Phila.) (National Lead & Oil Co., Pitts.)

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11-19

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The Paint That
Stands by
The Painter

The great violinist does not play on a cheap instrument. He uses a violin that displays his genius at its best.

You can enhance your reputation for good workmanship by using a paint of acknowledged quality and notable performance. With Lucas Paints, Varnishes, Stains and Enamels you can make every brush stroke lastingly worth while.

John Lucas&Co., Inc.

Philadelphia, Pa.

If you are not using

REX DRY PASTE

You are not saving money or using the best
ONE POUND MAKES NINE POUNDS
One Pound Rex--Eight Pounds Water

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NEW CONCEPTIONS OF JUSTICE

(Address of Miss Margaret Bondfield, Fraternal delegate from the British Trades Union Congress and the first woman to come across the Atlantic in that capacity. After reading Miss Bondfield's address, reprinted herewith from the official proceedings, it becomes easier to understand why, during the previous year, the British Government denied a passport to the same outspiken little lady, although she had been elected a fraternal delegate to the St. Paul convention of the A. F. of L.)

(Continued from October.)

When Employers and Workers Agreed. We sat for a fortnight and produced this document, which is printed as a government report. We had a most interesting time. We met in three main committees with the leading employers of the day. We hammered out the differences between us and arrived at a moderate program which was consented to by both sides. Both employers and workers agreed we were not willing to recommend this to our constituent bodies unless we had a guarantee from the government that they meant business. If we recommended it we must have the guarantee from the government that they would give us the legislation we asked for.

One clause in the report dealt with what we know as recognition. Both employers and working people were unanimous, and this represents some of the biggest employers in our country in the engineering trades, the textile trades, the sugar and confectionery trades, and so on. This clause is as follows:

"On the subject of methods of negotiation between employers and work people, the committee recognized the importance of establishing an understanding on the question of 'recognition.' Their opinion is as follows:

(a) The basis of negotiation between employers and work people should, as is presently the case in the chief industries of the country, be the full and frank acceptance of the employers' organizations on the one hand and trade unions on the other as the recognized organizations to speak and act on behalf of their members.

(b) The members should accept the jurisdiction of their respective organizations.

(c) The employers' organizations and the trade unions should enter into negotiations for the purpose of the establishment of machinery or revision, if necessary, of existing machinery, for the avoidance of disputes, and the machinery should provide, where in any question at issue there are more than one employers' organization or trade union representing the same class of employers or workpeople, a representative method of negotiation, so that settlements arrived at will cover all parties concerned."

Now, that means, in effect, that whereas miners and railroad workers had long ago received recognition, had long ago got such a position in our country that no government would dare ignore the direct consultation of these representatives in any question affecting their trades; neverthe less, we have many miscellaneous and unorganized trades, and we have the petty lit tle employer, who is a tyrant in his work shop. We still have the employer (in diminishing quantity), who refuses to recog nize the trade union official. This document. once and for all, lays it down that no em ployer in our country will be considered respectable if he refuses to meet the proper trade union official for the group representing his trade.

The moral effect of this report is in finitely greater than the immediate practical effect. As a matter of fact, there is no immediate practical effect, because when we met in a conference just before I left Eng land, we were not satisfied with the reply received from the government and they were negotiating for further legislative guarantees on the proposals we made. This report does contain the possibility of setting up what we are going to ask for, an Industrial Parliament. In our country there are employers who are prepared to work wholeheartedly and I am not saying that in any sense of humbug or camouflage-for a dras tic change in the methods of production, distribution, and exchange. They are bring. ing their strength to bear on one side to bring about this better system of a co-oper ative commonwealth.

"Increasing the Output."

When we met in conference the employ ers' side was very concerned about increas ing production, and we said: “Very well, go ahead. You write a memorandum about increasing production and show us how you want it done. Put that memorandum in as a memorandum from the employers. We, on our side, will submit a memorandum showing what we believe to be the causes of industrial unrest and the cure for that unrest. We won't ask you to agree to our memorandum, and you needn't ask us

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