fears for the member to pay $300 into the Death and Disability Fund; it would take the married member 200 years to pay $350 into the Fund. Very little interest is earned upon the monthly payments as practically no reserve is established; the money is paid out as fast as it comes in.

The rates charged by the Government for soldiers' insurance indicate how inadequate are the rates paid by the members of the Brotherhood. From a man thirty years of age the Government collects 7 cents a month on each $100 insurance, or 21 cents per month for $300 and 242 cents for $350. From a man 45 years of age the Government collects 9 cents a month on each $100 insurance, or 27 cents a month on $300 and 311⁄2 cents for $350. The rates increase yearly with the age of the insured. And it should be remembered these were selected risks; every man passed a severe medical examination. This is the bare cost of insurance, based on the American Experience Table of Mortality with interest on reserve at 32 per cent per annum. No allowance is made for the cost of clerical help or supplies. These expenses are paid out of the general revenue.

To furnish insurance at lower rates than those charged by Uncle Sam to the soldier boys is attempting the impossible and inviting disappointment and disaster. The income of the Death and Disability Funds should not be less than 25 cents a month; the per capita tax should be raised to 50 cents a month.

High minded people in all countries are disappointed with the League of Nations. They fear that our allies did not accept the League as a first step towards the establishment of a parliament of men, in which all international grievances would be dispassionately discussed and disposed of on their merits and so permanent peace be made possible and the world be freed from the burden of militarism, but as an agency through which the collection of compensation from Germany may be made possible. Conservative judges estimate that Germany must be given 30 years in which to pay the bill. Some organization must be maintained by the allies to attend to the collection.

But even so, the world at large considers the acceptance of the League as a subscription to the principles promulgated by its advocates and from this rather meager and unsatisfactory beginning something really worth while may come. Becase we were unable to secure the whole loa we had hoped for we should not reject

the slice of bread offered. We can always insist upon more-and more-and more. The future of the League depends upon persistent agitation and work for its amendment by those who are dissatisfied with it as it is.

The prospect for the freeing of the child workers in the Southern mills is brighter than we thought. Last month, in discussing the decision of Federal Judge Boyd, we stated that the provision of the War Revenue law that he declared void imposed a tax of 10 per cent on goods made by child labor and shipped out of the state in which they were produced. This is not so, the tax is collected whether the goods are consumed within the state or shipped out of it. The law is not based on the power of Congress to regulate Interstate Commerce but on its power to levy taxation-to the extent of destroying the product taxed if need be.

Regarding the probable action of the Federal Supreme Court, Secretary Lovejoy of the National Child Labor Committee says: "Unless the Supreme Court goes squarely back on its previous decisions, it will not affirm Judge Boyd's decision of unconstitutionality. The fact that Congress sought to do by indirection what it could not do by direct prohibition has nothing to do with the case. Congress has in the past laid a prohibitive tax calculated to destroy the article taxed-notably in the case of colored oleomargarine, state bank notes and the manufacture of phosphorus matches. Its power to do this has been twice upheld by the court, and I have every confidence that the court will do so for the third time in the child labor case."

In the meantime the exploiters of child labor will pay the tax. The United States Revenue Department has ordered that it be collected despite Judge Boyd's decision. The law will continue in force until the Supreme Court rules otherwise.

Judge Gary must feel lonesome. As chairman of the United States Steel Company he has refused to confer with his employes through the organization of their craft the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers. Replying to a letter from President Tighe the Judge says, "As you know, we do not confer, negotiate with or combat labor unions as such."

So the Judge airly dismisses a distasteful matter. Presumably he hopes to reconcile his statement with the bitter opposition of his corporation to unionism-and with the truth-by the use of the qualifying words "as such." If the o....cials of the Steel Trust

do not make war on labor unions "as labor unions" it would be interesting to know upon what their animus toward organized labor is based. The Judge has not forgotten his lawyer's love for playing with words and using them to camouflage facts. The policy of the United States Steel Company belongs in the nineteenth century. It is the last serious obstacle to the universal acceptance of the plan of collective bargaining.

The conservative, whether by birth, association and training, from habit and disposition, by choice or from economic interest, pleads with tears in his voice that we "go slow." In pre-war days, that he regretfully looks back to and secretly hopes will return, he demanded that the sun stand still and the world reverse on its axis. He is constitutionally opposed to any change other than that of the seasons and from day-light to dark.

In these days when everything and everybody is changing, with almost No turning back admirable consistency he persists in sitting on the safety valve and inviting trouble. He has, however, changed his line of argument. Nowadays he elaborates on the increases in wages conceded, the reduction in hours secured and impressively urges us to keep our feet on the solid earth and in the good old track rather than to attempt to break new paths, travel in new ways and seek strange gods. He is particularly averse to the idea of democracy in industry. The term sounds so revolutionary, it sets his teeth on edge. He feels sure that it is dangerously akin to the confiscation of property, the economic crime of crimes and mortal sin against established institutions. He is half reconciled-if there is no other way out-to recognition of the union, the collective bargain, the eight-hour day and the principle of a living wage (as a maximum). But the idea of the man on the job, in the shop or the office, or on the road, having a say in the actual management of the business, a property right in his job and a share in the net profits, arouses his indignation. He considers it nothing less than treason and sacrilege, pure Bolshevism.

Fortunately not all men in public life, not even all employers, are hopelessly conservative. There are men of affairs who are progressive in spirit, tolerant of change and broad minded, who realize that with the close of the war the old order of things passed, that we must build a new world from the very foundation. This new mental attitude of men in the business world is clearly stated

by Mr. F. S. Sisson, Vice-President of the Guaranty Trust Company of New York, New York, in an address before the Advertising Council of the Chicago Association of Commerce, in which he said:

We are at a turning point in our national life. We stand at the parting of the ways. The old order has passed and a new epoch dawns before us. To meet its problems and continue our national progress new ideas, political, economic, social and industrial must prevail.

Much thought and discussion have been given to the material aspects and results of the world war. We have heard and read a great deal about the loss of life, the destruction of property, the financial burdens, the political readjustments, the new economic relations which the war has occasioned. But the most important change wrought by the great conflict seemingly has been accorded scant consideration, namely, that the world of ideas has been shattered even more ruthlessly and completely than the world of material things. If Mars has been the breaker of material pre-war idols he has also been the iconoclast of pre-war ideas. And, in a larger sense, the world cannot be reconstructed; it must be built anew, and not upon old foundations but upon new bases.

With true prophetic vision, Lloyd George has grasped the import of the psychological reactions of the great cataclysm, and has expressed it in these simple words: "Don't think of getting back to where you were before the war. Get a really new world."

An economist of international reputa tion has stated that, “as a result of the war the economic development of the world has been impelled forward by at least two generations."

The Transformations of War.

The terms of the peace treaty reveal the transformations which have been wrought in the map, in the governments and in the ethnography of the world by four years of war. The governments in six countries-Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Greece-have been overthrown. Three of these countriesGermany, Austria-Hungary, and Russiahave changed from monarchial to monarchial regimes. Sweeping governmental changes have also occurred in five other countries. And five new nations have sprung into existence. A new world, indeed, has been created. All peoples have been changed in some degree and manner by the events which transpired between August 4, 1914, and November 11, 1918.

non

We are no exception, and this nation today is very different from that which it was four years ago. No people can send the flower of its manhood through a hell-onearth for the sake of a principle, for an ideal, for the sublime cause of liberty, and not experience a mental and spiritual trans

formation. Certainly, no nation can do that without stimulating its mentality, without acquiring higher ideals, without quickening its imagination, without enlarging its vision. New aspirations and ambitions, in fact, inspire this nation and are leading it to a broader vision and a greater service for all humanity.

In that one word "service" is epitomized all that we learned and accomplished by the co-ordination, the co-operation, and the unification necessitated by the crisis through which we have just passed. It will henceforth be a national shibboleth; it will constitute both the basis and the measure of our relations to other peoples and to each other."

Mr. Sisson practically admits the truth of the indictment of the old order under which industry, business, education and politics-even religion in some measurewere conducted for personal advantage and private profit rather than for use and service. Upon the extent to which our statemen and publicists, our capitalists of industry and our bankers are willing to accept this new gospel of service depends the speediness of the restoration of peace and order, the resumption of production in agriculture and in industry, the exchange of goods between nations and the general return of mankind to the ways of peace and industry and happi

ness.

Ralph M. Easley, the clever and astute secretary-and executive brains-of the National Civic Federation, has slipped a cog. For many years he has formulated the policies and directed the activities of that body of big business men who, with the late Mark Showing his hand. Hanna, realize the futility of fighting organized labor, so pat us on the back and jolly us into accepting less than we would demand if the issue were forced. The changed attitude of the organized workers since the war threatens the continued success of these methods. The demand that the workers share in the direction of industry strikes at the foundation of the system which Mr. Easley-at a liberal salary strives to perpetuate. This causes him to worry. The acceptance by men and organizations of progressive ideas of the principle of democracy in industry arouses his wrath.

He is particularly disturbed at the attitude of the churches and, in a recent issue of the Civic Federation Review, makes a bitter attack upon the reconstruction program of the National Catholic War Council, which body consists of several eminent

bishops of the church. He is equally displeased by the progressive attitude of the Methodist and other Protestant churches. He contends that these big-minded bishops and preachers do not speak for the representative men of the churches and that they are urging concessions that the men of the working class do not want. This was too much for some good unionists who happen to be loyal sons of the church. Mr. Easley's presumption to speak for the labor movement and his uncalled for attack upon these honored leaders led to the unanimous adoption in the Central Federated Union of Greater New York and the Brooklyn Central Labor Union of the following resolution:

"Whereas, Ralph M. Easley, secretary of the National Civic Federation, states in the 'Review,' their official organ, under the caption, 'Radicals Mislead Churches About Labor-Social Reconstruction Program Put Forth by Catholics and Protestants Alike, Based on Views of Near-Bolsheviki, Not on Ideas of Responsible Organized Labor,' that 'I do not mean to imply for one moment that representative men in the Catholic and Protestant churches have intentionally done this thing, but the work has been intentionally done just the same by socialists or near socialists in their ranks,' and that 'this raised the question, Why are the churches all alike advocating the same radical measures to aid the working classes, which these same working classes themselves do not want?' and

"Whereas, Ralph M. Easley has long been known as a retainer of the employing class whose purpose is to chloroform any attempt at fundamental reform on the part of the working people, and who without authority assumes to speak for organized labor; therefore be it

"Resolved, That the Brooklyn Central Labor Union and the Central Federated Union of Greater New York and vicinity, which adopted a reconstruction program substantially the same as the reconstruction program of the National Catholic War Council, congratulates the four bishops comprising the Reconstruction Committee upon having aroused the usual unfair and untruthful opposition of this apologist for special privilege, because this confirms the belief of Catholic and non-Catholic workmen alike that this program is really and vitally important to the welfare of the workers, otherwise it would not arouse the ire of the Civic Federation. We further express our hearty approval of the Catholic reconstruction program and our belief that the rank and file of labor is in hearty sympathy with this program."

Bro. I. H. Crossgrove, L. U. 426, Philadelphia, Pa.

Bro. Jacob Haefer, L. U. 78, Hoboken, N. J. Bro. E. J. Evans, L. U. 184, Chicago, Ill. Bro. E. W, Pay, L. U. 1047, Seattle, Wash. Bro. Wm. Hamilton, L. U. 502, Rock Island, Ill.

Bro. Sam Parks, L. U. 218, Scranton, Pa. Bro. Jos. Clark, L. U. 848, New York, N. Y. Bro. Wm. H. Saline, L. U. 179, Geneva, N. Y. Bro. E. Keiman, L. U. 1083, Philadelphia, Pa.

Bro. Edwin Wilger, L. U. 781, Milwaukee, Wis.

Bro. A. Oberle, L. U. 89, North Hudson, N. J. Bro. Ed. Bruha, L. U. 502, Rock Island, Ill. Bro. Ernest Dugas, L. U. 194, Chicago, Ill. Bro. Gunnard Peterson, L. U. 194, Chicago, Ill.

Bro. Philip Rothmund, L. U. 848, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Harry Gold, L. U. 490, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Jacob Davidson, L. U. 25, Brooklyn,
N. Y.

Bro. B. Olin, L. U. 481, Hartford, Conn.
Bro. W. M. Jenkins, L. U. 596, Tucson, Ariz.
Bro. J. H. Keyer, L. U. 283, Kokomo, Ind.
Bro. O. L. Young, L. U. 138, Vancouver, B.
C., Can.

Bro. C. Leary, L. U. 487, Sacramento, Cal.
Bro. Sam H. Prous, L. U. 308, Cincinnati, O.
Bro. A. R. Garnes, L. U. 970, Charleston,
W. Va.

Bro. John Dorr, L. U. 897, New London, Conn.

Bro. Monte J. Fulmer, L. U. 634, Wilming. ton, Del.

Bro. Emory T. Johnson, L. U. 345, Philadelphia, Pa.

Bro. W. J. McCance, L. U. 345, Philadelphia,

Pa.

Bro. August Biehle, Jr., L. U. 129, Cleveland, O.

Bro. B. R. McDade, L. U. 53, Dallas, Tex. Bro. Thos. H. Leary, L. U. 19, San Francisco, Cal.

Bro. W. H. Headley, L. U. 10, Portland, Ore. Bro. M. J. King, L. U. 126, Joplin, Mo.

Bro. Harry Smoyer, L. U. 55, Reading, Pa.

Bro. Claude Hutchins, L. U. 1017, Sheffield, Ala.

Bro. Wm. P. Bedell, L. U. 694, Asbury Park, N. J.

Bro. Nicholas Capprico, L. U. 218, Scranton,
Pa.

Bro. Wm. Dean, L. U. 430, Chicago, Ill.
Bro. Jos. Levine, L. U. 481, Hartford, Conn.
Bro. Thom R. Harrison, L. U. 402, E. Bos-
ton, Mass.

Bro. Jos. W. Rushford, L. U. 646, Northampton, Mass.

Bro. Thos. Godeski, L. U. 19, San Francisco, Cal.

Bro. Oscar B. Peterson, L. U. 180, Oak Park, Ill.

Bro. Charles Hicks, L. U. 617, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Bro. Richard Power, L. U. 11, Boston, Mass. Bro. James Jos. Kyne, L. U. 19, San Francisco, Cal.

Bro. Henry Cohn, L. U. 499, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Wm. Duffy, L. U. 180, Oak Park, Ill. Bro. Geo. M. Stoy, L. U. 511, Los Angeles,

Cal.

Bro. Geo. O. Cross, L. U. 481, Hartford, Conn.

Bro. Joseph Haas, L. U. 499, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Frank H. Evans, L. U. 184, Chicago, Ill.

Bro. Clarence Beck, L. U. 47, Indianapolis, Ind.

Bro. Howard Butler, L. U. 1, Baltimore, Md. Bro. T. Henricksen, L. U. 11, Boston, Mass. Bro. John Trebaticky, L. U. 499, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Joseph Silva, L. U. 134, San Francisco, Cal.

Bro. Chas. J. O'Neill, L. U. 892, New York, N. Y.

Bro. Thos. Jos. Horrigan, L. U. 368, Washington, D. C.

Bro. Geo. D. Hodges, L. U. 580, Saratoga, N. Y.

Bro. Hyman Myron, L. U. 888, Jersey City, N. J.

Bro. W. H. Stage, L. U. 283, Kokomo, Ind.