refer you to Bulletin 663, BLS, page 54-such productivity increases gradually, while the costs attributable to a wage adjustment such as that here involved is sudden.

In view of the foregoing, we respectfully urge that the committee wait until reconversion gets under way and we can better appraise what conditions are going to be like before approving this or any similar legislation.

I thank you.

Senator TUNNELL. Thank you very much.

We will recess, subject to call.

(Whereupon, at 5:15 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject to call.)

AMENDMENT OF THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 16, 1945

UNITED STATES SENATE,

SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR, Washington, D. C.

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a. m., in room 424-B, Senate Office Building, Senator James M. Tunnell presiding. Present: Senators Tunnell, Ellender, and Smith.

Also present: Senator Morse; Charles Kramer, consultant to the committee.

Senator TUNNELL. The committee will please come to order.
Mr. Linder.

TESTIMONY OF TOM LINDER, COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE, STATE OF GEORGIA

Mr. LINDER. My name is Tom Linder, and I am commissioner of agriculture for the State of Georgia.

The National Association of Commissioners, Secretaries and Directors of Agriculture is a nonprofit membership organization comprising the commissioners, secretaries, and directors of agriculture of the 48 States.

The constitutional and statutory duties of the members of the National Association, in addition to a general supervision of agricultural crop yields and the processing and marketing of agricultural productions, have largely to do with financial, social and other economic benefits which can be effected in behalf of farmers, planters, processors, and agricultural industries within their respective States.

I am a member of the National Association and am in close contact with the activities of that organization. I am appearing before you as commissioner of agriculture of the State of Georgia but, by reason of my contact with the National Association, will say that am confident that the views which I am expressing here are in accordance with those of the other 47 members.

The rights of labor are the same whether that labor is an organized group or an unorganized group.

The rights of labor are the same whether that labor consists of physical effort, mental effort, or a combination of both.

There is no difference under our constitution between the rights of different labor groups. What appears to be a difference in their rights is simply a difference in their ability to enforce their rights. Indeed, it is very easy to confuse the rights under the Constitution

of a group with their power to enforce their demands.

Every American is supposed to subscribe to the oath of allegiance to the flag of the United States.

I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America and to the Republic for which it stands, one Nation indivisible with liberty and justice for all. This does not say justice for any particular group. It does not say justice for those who are organized strongly enough to enforce their rights. It does not limit justice to those who labor in any particular field of industry. It does not limit justice to those who contribute to the Nation's economic welfare in any particular manner but it provides justice for all.

I also want to make it perfectly clear that we are not opposed to that portion of labor that is organized; on the other hand, we are their friends. We stand ready at all times to go to bat to see that they are not denied full justice in every way under our national economic set-up.

I also wish to make it clear that I am not appearing in any sense in opposition to labor and its demands at this time.

I believe without going into any discussion of the merits or demerits of what has already been done, that our Nation is faced today with an economic condition that makes it vitally necessary for all labor to receive high wages in terms of money.

I believe it is equally necessary, from the standpoint of the Nation's welfare, for all white-collar workers, professional people, school teachers, and so forth, to receive high salaries in terms of money.

Likewise, I believe it is most essential for all farm crops to bring high prices in terms of money.

This necessity is brought about by reason of tremendous national debts and other public debts which will prove a crushing load on the taxpayers unless very high incomes are to be had, together with a very large national income which will make it possible to refinance and carry this tremendous load of debt until it can be reduced and a sufficient part of it retired to leave only a manageable balance.

I have, I hope, made it perfectly clear that we are not antagonistic to any other groups. I would like to proceed to demonstrate to the members of this committee just where the American farmers now stand in the over-all picture of our American economy.

From governmental sources I have prepared certain tables of figures, which will demonstrate in a very concise way the picture of the farmer's present condition. I believe that unless this picture is materially changed, that a tremendous economic upheaval in this country, and perhaps world-wide, is inevitable.

Since this hearing is concerned with industrial wages, I shall make comparison between the farmers' condition and industrial labor.

Let us go back to the years that the Democratic administrations have chosen as the base years. Let us assume that during these years the farmer was on an equality with business and industry. Let us compare his prices during that period with factory workers' pay during that same period; then, let's compare the price that the farmer gets for his crops today with factory wages today and see just how the farmer has fared for the last 35 years.

If farm prices today bore the same relation to factory workers' wages that they did during the base period, then the farmer today would be getting the following prices for basic farm products and crops: For cotton, he would receive 52.20 cents per pound.

For corn, he would be receiving $3.30 per bushel.
His wheat would be bringing $4.45 per bushel.
Hogs in Chicago would be 38 cents per pound.

The average price of beef cattle in Chicago would be 39% cents per pound.

HOW MUCH OF A FARMER'S CROP SHOULD PAY FOR AN HOUR OF FACTORY LABOR?

All figures used here are from United States Government statistics, authority for which I will cite at the close of this statement.

During the 5-year period of 1911-15, the average wage of factory workers was 21.73 cents per hour. During the year 1944 the average factory wage was $1.01 per hour. This is an increase of about 500 percent.

From 1911-15 to 1944 the net change in the price of the farmer's 5 basic commodities was as follows:

The following table shows the increase from 1911-15 to 1944 of the number of pounds of these five basic commodities required to pay for 1 hour of factory labor:

Further on in this statement I will submit tabulations which show how this change came about during the years.

For the benefit of any who might wish to make a party issue out of these facts, I would like to call attention of this committee to the fact that for either political party to try to make a party issue out of these facts would simply be a case of the "pot calling the kettle black." According to these governmental statistics the national administration in 1926-30 made the following increases in the number of pounds of each of these five basic commodities that were required to pay for 1 hour of factory labor as compared to the period 1911-15:

The next table shows the increase in the number of pounds of these five basic commodities that were required to pay for 1 hour of

factory labor during the period of 1936-40 as compared with the period of 1926-30:

In passing, I would like to call the committee's attention to the period 1931-35 which was partly Republican and partly Democratic. Let us compare this period 1931-35 to the base period 1911-15. The following table will show the number of pounds of each of these five basic commodities required to pay for 1 hour of factory labor during these two periods:

LABOR LAWS MUST BE BUILT UPON THE SAME BASIS AS ALL OTHER LAWS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY-EQUALITY OF ALL BEFORE THE LAW

There is no difference in the principle of enacting laws to guarantee labor a minimum wage and a law to guarantee the farmer a minimum price for his crop in line and on an equality with such labor wage.

In fact the price which the farmer receives is the farmer's wage for his labor.

There is no difference in the principle involved. There is, of course, a marked difference in the position of the two groups. One group is in position to demand. The other group can only ask for justice at your hands.

One of the remarkable signs of the times is the fact that some of the labor leaders today are demanding higher wages for their own organized groups and are at the same time demanding lower wages for the farmer-the unorganized group.

There is a persistent and insistent demand, largely Governmentinspired, to force the American farmer to accept wages on the same basis as is now paid in other countries of the world.

They propose to force the farmer to accept low world standard wages by forcing him to sell his crops in competition with and at world prices.

The very basis and foundation of our national economic policy is symbolized by the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930.

The reason that I say the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act symbolizes the basic thinking of America is because it was passed by the Republican administration and has been kept in force by the Democratic administration since March 1933, more than 12 years.