those were led out who were to be immediately put to death; on the other, those who were to remain in prison. The number of dead was estimated at 20,000; that of prisoners at 30,000.

In the mean while, the definitive peace between France and Germany had been concluded. The negotiations in Brussels threatened to remain without result, as the French endeavored in every possible way to obtain a modification of the conditions which had been agreed upon in the preliminary peace. As the civil war in Paris made it desirable for both parties to hasten the conclusion of the definite peace, Bismarck, Jules Favre, and Pouyer-Quertier, met in Frankfort, in order to bring the negotiations to a speedier close. The deliberation began on May 6th, and on May 10th the definite peace was signed. The conditions of the preliminaries were in some points modified, though not mitigated, in favor

of France.

The ratifications of the treaty were to be exchanged within ten days. On May 12th the treaty was laid before the French National Assembly. The committee moved that it be ratified. General Chanzy spoke against the ratification of the proposed exchange of territory; but, when Thiers showed that the proposed exchange was by no means unfavorable to France, the Assembly ratified it by a vote of 440 to 98, and subsequently the whole treaty by a large majority.

As soon as the army had overpowered the insurrection, the question of the future form of government was pushed into the foreground of political agitation. The Legitimists, who for some time had assumed a hostile attitude with regard to Thiers, displayed a remarkable activity. They declared the fusion of the Bourbons and the Orleanists to have been virtually accomplished, and they carried on their agitation in behalf of "the house of France." But, notwithstanding their positive declaration, it was found that the fusion had not been accomplished, and the execution of the other points of their programme was equally unsuccessful. The cabinet was partly reconstructed, as Lambrecht became, in the place of Picard, Minister of the Interior, Cissey Minister of War, and Lefranc Minister of Agriculture; but Jules Favre remained Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the position of Thiers was not only not shaken but notably confirmed. The Duke d'AudiffreyPasquier, the leader of the Legitimists, moved in the National Assembly the abrogation of all laws of expatriation directed against members of "the house of France." This was met by another motion brought in, in the name of the Left, by Deputy Brunet, for repealing the laws of expatriation against all the former sovereign families of France. The Assembly, on June 2d, voted as urgent the latter motion. Public interest, for a time, was wholly absorbed by this question, and by the election of the Duke d'Aumale and the Prince de Join

ville to the National Assembly. After delaying the decision for a few days, Thiers, on June 2d, declared, in an elaborate speech, that he approved the repeal of the laws of expatriation, and was also willing to have the elections of the princes declared valid, if the latter would resign their seats. He admonished the Assembly to extend the "truce" between the parties, as France would be plunged into the worst anarchy, if the conflict between them was at once to be decided. In conclusion, he declared that he would deceive nobody. The motion for abrogating the laws of expatriation was adopted by 484 against 103 votes; and the election of the two princes of Orleans was declared valid by 448 against 113 votes. The princes submitted to the compromise proposed by Thiers, and left Versailles, after a long interview with the President. Not in harmony with this report was, however, an official declaration of the Prince de Joinville, who declared that, among the two places which had elected him deputy, he chose the former. The Orleanists, like the other parties, seemed to hope that the supplementary elections to the National Assembly would give to the latter a more definite complexion. The adherents of the Commune continued to issue proclamations, threatening placards, and explanatory declarations. A great activity was also displayed by the Catholic party. The Bishops of Evreux, Bayeux, Coutances, Seez, and the Archbishop of Rouen, addressed a petition to the National Assembly, in which they demanded the restoration of the temporal power of the Holy See. The demonstrations in favor of the Pope were numerous, and were fre quently coupled with others in favor of Henry V. (Count de Chambord). During these conflicts of parties, the practical questions which demanded a speedy solution were, however, not neglected. Paris was divided into four military districts, the public places were ordered to be closed at a certain hour, the theatres subjected to a strict superintendence, and a number of other measures taken which gradually restored order. The National Assembly began to discuss the reorganization of the army; the system heretofore in use was rejected by all the members of the committee, which recommended the introduction of universal military duty. The financial question was regarded as still more urgent than the reorganization of the army, because the time when the first half milliard of the war indemnification had to be paid was near at band. The National Assembly, in compliance with a proposition made by the Minister of Finance, Pouyer-Quertier, resolved to contract a loan of two milliards. The subscriptions to this loan exceeded all expectation-a much larger sum being subscribed than the Government had asked for. The favorable result of the loan, and the success of the grand review of the French army in Paris, on June 29th, filled the Government and people of France with new

hopes. The supplementary elections, which were held on July 2d, in many departments were also highly favorable to the Moderate Republican party. Of one hundred and seventeen deputies elected, one hundred were adherents of a republican form of government. The radicals gained five departments; but in Paris only five radicals were elected, against sixteen members of the party of order, a league of the anti-radical parties. Two of the delegates elected for Paris were Bonapartists. Gambetta was elected in three districts. A speech which he had made on June 26th, at Bordeaux, in which he ascribed the misfortune of France in the late war to the ignorance of the masses, and recommended a thorough reorganization of public instruction, had everywhere made the most favorable impression.

A manifesto to the French nation published by the Count de Chambord, on July 5th, made a painful sensation. He announced that he would soon leave the castle of Chambord, and France, as he did not wish to furnish a new pretext for the political excitement of the country. But he expected that the people would soon call him back to the throne, in which case he promised to maintain universal suffrage, administrative decentralization, and local autonomy. But, at the same time, he would not abandon the white banner of Henry IV., Francis I., and the Maid of Orleans, which had established the national union, and which would restore to France order and freedom. The manifesto greatly increased the breach between the Legitimists and the Orleanists, and even many of the former loudly declared their disapprobation of the sentiments expressed in it. At the close of the month, the National Assembly had an excited debate on the petitions for the restoration of the temporal power of the Pope. Thiers declared that he had always been opposed to the national unity of Italy, which had been the "mother of German unity;" but, if the Government were to act in accordance with the petitions for the restoration of the temporal power, it would bring on a war with Italy-a result which the majority would hardly wish for. The majority was then willing to give to Thiers a vote of confidence by adopting the order of the day; but, when Gambetta ostentatiously supported this motion, the Right preferred to refer the petitions to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This motion was adopted by 431 against 82 votes. Thiers voted with the majority, while Barthélemy St.-Hilaire, the chief of his cabinet, and Jules Favre, voted with the minority. A few days later, on August 2d, the resignation of Favre as Minister of Foreign Affairs was accepted, and Charles de Rémusat appointed as his successor.

The committee of the National Assembly on the reorganization of the army showed itself favorable to the adoption of the principle of universal and compulsory military service.

The first paragraph in its report, which was made on August 19th, provided that every Frenchman from his twentieth to his fortieth year might be called into service; it abolished the privilege of furnishing substitutes, deprived the standing army of the right of voting, and demanded the abolition of the National Guard. The last-mentioned measure had also been independently moved by 164 members of the National Assembly. General Chanzy, who on August 19th made also a report on this motion, concluded with the words: "We submit to you in the first place a law which takes from the soldiers the ballot, and secondly a law which takes from the voters the bullet." On this point Thiers was, however, not in agreement with the majority of the Assembly. In a speech made on August 24th, he admitted the present organization of the National Guard to be bad; but this was not the case with the fundamental principle of a national guard, which they had inherited from the first revolution. As there were also good national guards, the principle of their dissolution should not, in general, be sanctioned. He was also opposed to the unconditional demand for an immediate dissolution. Irritated by frequent interruption, he left the hall of the Assembly, and threatened his resignation. This disposed the majority to consent to a modification of the law, and, when Thiers after a quarter of an hour returned to the hall, the following compromise was adopted by 488 against 149 votes: "The National Guards are dissolved. Their disarmament shall take place as soon as possible under the responsibility of the Government. The National Guards are dissolved in all communes of France in proportion as the progress of the reorganization of the army on the basis of the law of 1868 allows it."

After long and animated discussions, the National Assembly, on August 30th, adopted a resolution which declared the present Assembly to be a Constituent Assembly. On the following day, a motion was adopted by 480 against 93 votes, appointing Thiers "President of the French Republic" for a term of three years. The text of this motion was as follows:

ARTICLE 1. The chief of the executive power assumes the title of President of the French Republic, and retains the powers which have been conferred upon him by the decree of February 17, 1871, subject to the authority of the Assembly as long as the latter has not completed its labors.

ART. 2. The President of the Republic promulgates the laws which are transmitted to him by the President of the National Assembly. He secures and superintends the execution of the laws. He resides in the place where the National Assembly has its seat. He appoints and dismisses the ministers; the ministry is, however, responsible to the National Assembly. He may address the National Assembly whenever he regards it as necessary, and after he has notified the President of the Assembly of his wish.

Every act of the President of the Republic must be countersigned by a minister.

ART. 3. The President of the Republic is responsible to the Assembly.

On September 1st, President Thiers sent a message to the Assembly, expressing his thanks for the honor conferred upon him. The ministry remained unchanged, and Dufaure was appointed its Vice-President. On September 6th, the National Assembly ratified a loan of 350,000,000 francs for the city of Paris, and adopted a law providing that the damages caused by the invasion of the Germans should be paid for by the whole nation. On September 13th a message of President Thiers was read in the Assembly, in which he recommended an adjournment from September 17th to December 4th. On the day before the adjournment, the Assembly authorized the President to conclude a treaty with Germany, to hasten the evacuation of several departments by the German troops in exchange for reducing the duties on exports from Alsace-Lorraine into France. The treaty was concluded on October 12th.

On October 8th the election for the Councils General took place throughout France. The cities and towns generally elected republican or radical candidates, while in the rural districts the conservatives had a majority. The Bonapartists met with less success than any other party. The Duke d'Aumale was elected in the district of Clermont, and Prince Napoleon in Corsica. A majority of the councils declared themselves in favor of compulsory military service and compulsory instruction.

Three of the Paris insurrectionists, Rossel, Ferré, and Bourgeois, were shot on November 28th. The death of Rossel, for whose character even his judges professed profound respect, was generally lamented, and great efforts were made to save his life. Thiers himself was will ing to pardon him, but yielded to the remonstrances of the Minister of War and the committee on pardons, who regarded the deathpenalty in his case as indispensably necessary. On the next day, Gaston Crémieux, one of the leaders of the radical party in Marseilles, was shot. His execution created even greater discontent than that of Rossel. Among the four communists of Marseilles who had been sentenced to death, he was the only one who was executed.

The excitement of the French people against the Germans led repeatedly to the assassination of German soldiers. A jury in Paris acquitted one of these assassins, by the name of Tonnelet, though he fully admitted that he had pledged himself to murder the first German whom he might meet. But few of the French papers dared to censure this verdict; but President Thiers, in his message to the Assembly, expressed his decided disapprobation of such acts. Count Bismarck, in a dispatch of December 7th, earnestly remonstrated with the French Government against these assassinations. (See BISMARCK.)

The new session of the National Assembly was opened on December 4th. M. Grévy was

reelected as President by 511 out of 521 votes; the former Vice-Presidents and Secretaries were also reelected. On December 7th President Thiers presented his message to the Assembly, which was read by himself. The message begins with referring to the daily progress of the peaceful character of the foreign relations of France, and of its internal reorganization. The relations to Prussia were fully regulated. The dissolution of the National Guard had nowhere called forth resistance. The condition of the country was as good as it could be expected after so unfortunate a war. The independence of the Holy See must be strictly maintained. The message then spoke of the financial condition of the country under the empire. The budget had reached the amount of 2,200,000,000 francs; the public debt was not reduced; the army was neglected. France had no more than 200,000 men to oppose to the 700,000 of the hostile armies. The measures adopted for the reorganization of the army were dwelt on at length. The President declared himself against the compulsory military service of all Frenchmen in time of peace, which would disorganize civil society, and ruin the finances of the country. He was, however, willing to accept it in the time of war. The Government proposed in time of peace to recruit annually 90,000 men, who would have to remain in active service for five years, and would belong to the army afterward for three years. On December 19th the princes of the house of Orleans who had been elected members of the Assembly (the Duke d'Aumale and the Prince de Joinville) took their seats, contrary to the promise which they had formerly given. In letters addressed to their electors, they explained their reasons for this step, and the National Assembly by an almost unanimous vote declared that the promises given by the princes were an entirely private affair in which it was not concerned. The draft of a new law for public instruction, consisting of twenty-two articles, was submitted to the National Assembly by Jules Simon, the Minister of Public Instruction. It proposed compulsory education from the seventh to the thirteenth year, but permitted each family to choose between the state-schools, free schools, and private instruction at home. After finishing the course of instruction, the pupils must pass an examination before a committee, and receive a certificate, which, on reaching the twenty-first year of age, they must present before their names can be enrolled in the lists of electors. Fines will be imposed upon all parents, guardians, and employers, who fail to send children to school. On December 26th President Thiers, in an elaborate speech, addressed the Assembly against the income-tax which had been proposed by Wolowski, and on the next day the Assembly, by a large majority, repealed it.

(For a biography of the President of the

French Republic, see THIERS.) The most prominent man, next to Thiers, in the history of France in 1871, especially in the former part of the year, was JULES FAVRE.

Jules Gabriel Claude Favre was born at Lyons, March 23, 1809. His family were of Savoyard descent. He was brought up piously. At school he showed much promise. When seventeen years old, he went to Paris to study law. When the Revolution of 1830 broke out he shared its spirit and attached himself to the Republican party. He was grievously disappointed when the Duke d'Orleans was made governor-general of the kingdom, and it became evident that the revolution would result only in the substitution of one monarchy for another. He gave vent to his feelings in two articles in the National, the organ of the doctrinaires, in which he advocated the abolition of the monarchy and the chambers, and the formation of a National Assembly, like that of the first revolution. His views found no favor. But they placed him in unpleasant relations with the Government, and he returned to Lyons, and engaged in practice in the local courts. He continued as ardent a republican as ever, and had become a bitter partisan. When some persons in Lyons had been condemned to imprisonment for political intrigues, Favre defended them, criticised the judgment of the court, and castigated the judges in the journal Le Précurseur. The publisher of the paper was enjoined. Favre went from a sick-bed to the court-room, and acknowledged the authorship of the obnoxious articles. Being brought to trial, he made a sturdy attack on the system of the Government, and a vigorous defence of republican institutions and the rights of the press, by which he gained great popularity. In 1834 he defended the members of the Society of the Mutualists, when they were tried for provoking a strike, and the disturbances which resulted from it. A riot occurred during this trial, in consequence of which the military were put in control of the city, and Favre was exposed to imminent personal danger on account of his connection with the indicted persons. This and other disturbances occurring in different parts of the kingdom were brought before the Chamber of Peers, which was organized as a court for their investigation. The Republicans made a party matter of the affair, and appointed a committee of 124 persons for the defence of the prisoners. Dr. Pasquier, president of the court, refused to recognize this committee, and made out another list of counsel, from whom the prisoners were required to select their defence. The Republicans insisted that, rather than submit to a limitation of their right to choose their own counsel, the prisoners should refuse to be defended. Favre thought it would be better for them to take such counsel as would be allowed them, by selecting from the Government list. He was overruled by his colleagues, but refused to be bound by their de

cision. He afterward, though against the views of the Republican leaders, himself engaged in the defence. He made an unequivocal republican speech, and bitterly denounced the Government as responsible, by reason of the severity of its measures, for all the difficulties. Notwithstanding the misunderstanding in which Favre was involved with the Republican committee-men, and although the prosecution carried the cases, Favre's action gave him great favor with the friends of the prisoners. His exertions brought on a fever, from which he nearly died. He afterward removed to Paris, where he gained a very extensive practice, and formed confidential relations with Ledru-Rollin.

Under the Provisional Government he was appointed Minister of the Interior. He made his influence felt in the policy of the Government. He resigned, to accept an election as deputy from the department of the Loire, but a few months afterward accepted office again under Bastide, Minister of Foreign Affairs. While he was in the National Assembly, an authorization was demanded by Crémieux, Procurator-General, for a prosecution against Louis Blanc, for his action in relation to the émeute of the 15th of May, 1848. Favre was a member of the committee to whom the subject was referred by the Assembly, and was assigned the duty of presenting the report, which was favorable to the prosecution. He executed this function with such an appearance of animosity against Louis Blanc, that the impression was created that he was seeking revenge for the manner in which Blanc, in the "Histoire des Dix Ans," had spoken of his conduct in the case of the trials before the Peers. The authorization was denied in his report, although it was afterward granted upon a report presented by another member. In January, 1849, Favre replied to the attacks of Rateau and Frenan against the Assembly and the ten organic laws with such vigor and clearness as to fully restore himself in the sympathy of his fellowrepublican members.

After the coup d'état Favre withdrew from politics. He was engaged in many important law cases, the most noted of which was the defence of the Red-republican conspirator Orsini. Orsini remembered him in his will, by directing the presentation to him of a suitable memorial for his services.

In his fiftieth year M. Favre was again returned to the Chambers, and was one of the five members of whom the opposition at that time consisted. When his party became more numerous, he was tacitly recognized as its leader. His speeches were very strong, and were aimed at the foundations of the imperial throne. His party were called the irreconcilables. He denounced the Italian War in 1859 as undertaken for dynastic purposes. In January, 1868, he was one of the speakers against the new press law, which imposed onerous regulations on the press, under the guise that they were liberal concessions.

When news arrived of the surrender at Sedan, Favre moved the deposition of the Emperor and his dynasty. He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Provisional Government. In a circular to the diplomatic agents, he charged the responsibility for the war upon the Imperial Government, and declared that France would yield no territory. In a second circular, he admitted the right of Prussia to demand an indemnity, but protested against "unacceptable conditions." He held two interviews with Bismarck, in September, 1870, regarding the terms on which the war could be closed. But they were without result. His position till the conclusion of peace under the authority of a newly-elected National Assembly was extremely difficult and embarrassing. But he succeeded in retaining the confidence of his countrymen, and in commanding, the respect of the world. When Thiers was elected chief of the executive power, Favre was again appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and as such took a prominent part in the government of the country. A full account of his labors during the year 1871 is given in the historical part of this article.

Gambetta, Léon, was born at Cahors, October 30, 1838. He studied law, went to Paris in 1859, and was enrolled there as an advocate. His first appearance in politics was in 1863, when he took a prominent part in the electoral discussions, distinguishing himself by the nervousness and keenness of his speeches. He supported the party of which Jules Favre, Crémieux, Pelletan, and others, were the distinguished leaders. He attained no especial prominence, however, either as an advocate or as a partisan till 1868, when a single event gave him a world-wide notoriety. This was his defence of Delecluze, the editor and publisher of Le Réveil, for the part he had taken in assisting the subscription for the erection to Baudin of a monument. Baudin was one of the leaders in forcible resistance to the execution of the coup d'état on December 3, 1851, and was killed during the fight. The movement of the Democratic party in honor of his memory, of which the subscription for a monument was a part, was provoked by the political discussions of the later years of the Third Empire, and was intended in part to signify disapprobation of the imperial policy. The first demonstration occurred on November 2, 1868; a few days afterward the lists of subscriptions began to appear regularly in Le Réveil, La Tribune, and La Revue Politique. A number of those participating in this movement, together with the editors of these journals, were arrested and brought to trial for exciting sedition. Gambetta distinguished himself above all his associate counsel in the defence-Crémieux, Arago, and Laurier-by the power and incisiveness of his speech. He reviewed the course of the Imperial Government from the coup d'état down, dwelling especially upon the crimes of the days of De

cember, and uttered denunciations of Napoleon of startling boldnesss. His title to fame rests principally on this defence. Gambetta took a prominent part in the elections of 1869, made several speeches of an extremely radical character, and was chosen deputy as the candidate of the "irreconcilables from both Paris and Marseilles. In the same year he appeared at Toulouse, to defend the journal L'Emancipation before the correctional tribunal, and received there a brilliant ovation from the students of the law-school. A disease of his eyes prevented his taking his seat as a deputy until a short time before the surrender at Sedan. Upon receiving news of this event, he promptly offered a decree of décheance in the Chambers; then proclaimed the republic from the steps of the legislative chamber, and with his republican associates adjourned to the Hôtel-de-Ville, where the Provisional Government was formed. In this Government he was assigned the Department of the Interior. For a short time after the Government was divided by the removal of a part of its members to Tours, he remained in Paris, but after the city became completely invested he escaped in a balloon, and joined his colleagues, Crémieux and Glais-Bizoin, at Tours. He exerted himself actively to arouse the French people to a desperate defence, hurried the organization of armies for the relief of Paris, and assumed the general direction of movements outside of the capital. He was the author of the boastful and mendacious bulletins which the Tours Government issued almost daily to keep up the spirits of the people.

FRENCH, Rev. JOHN W., D. D., an Episcopal clergyman and Professor of Ethics, born in Connecticut, about 1810; died at West Point, N. Y., July 8, 1871. He was educated at Washington (now Trinity) College, Hartford, Conn., graduating in 1831; studied theology at the General Protestant Episcopal Theological Seminary, New York City; was admitted to holy orders in 1835, and the next year chosen a professor in Bristol College, Pennsylvania. After the failure of this institution he was called to be rector of a church in Portland, Me., and in 1848 he became rector of the Church of the Epiphany, Washington, D. C. In August, 1856, he was appointed Chaplain of the Military Academy at West Point, and Professor of Geography, History, and Ethics, and entered upon his duties in the following autumn. Constitutional and international law were subsequently added to his professorship. This position he held till a short time before his death, when he resigned in consequence of impaired health. ceived the degree of D. D. from Trinity College during his residence in Washington. He had a good reputation as an instructor, and was popular with the cadets as chaplain.

He re

FRIENDS. No formal presentation of the statistics of the Society of Friends has been made until recently. It has only been within