His notes were placed in the hands of Mr. John V. L. MacMahon, who argued the case in Mr. Taney's stead: Mr. Taney, however, appearing as a citizen present to council the passage of the bill. The Legislature was intensely Jacksonian in politics; and notwithstanding Mr. MacMahon, who called up all the resources of his vast capacity, made, as Chancellor Johnson told me, the greatest speech he ever heard, would have refused the indemnity, had it not been for the determination of Mr. Taney to vindicate his State from dishonor by his advice to the Legislature. It was an act of moral heroism in Mr. Taney; for those opposed to the bill used the name of General Jackson as decidedly against it. To do away with the influence of General Jackson's supposed hostility to the measure, Mr. Key, Mr. Taney's brother-in-law, wrote the following letter:

WASHINGTON, March 14, 1836.

MY DEAR TANEY:- I got your letter this morning, and am surprised you have not received mine of Saturday.

I saw the President this morning. He expressed himself, as I wrote you he did before, in strong and decided terms, that the persons whose property had been destroyed ought to be fully indemnified by the community where the outrage had occurred, and denied positively that he had ever expressed any other opinion. He allows me to say this to you, and to say that you may make any use of it you please.

Your nomination was to have been called up today. It will most probably be done to-morrow.

Yours truly,

F. S. KEY.

The Legislature passed a bill which, in its operation, made the city of Baltimore pay the full amount of the losses sustained from the violence of the mob. Still, as I personally know, some of the members of the Legislature who voted for the bill were afterwards voted against, by members of their own party, when they became candidates for place, because of their

vote.

There is another memorable instance in the history of Maryland where Mr. Taney rebuked the action of his party in an important political movement in the State.

The growth of Baltimore City and of the western counties had made them dissatisfied with certain features of the State Constitution. By the Constitution, the Senate, the Governor and Council, and a majority of the House of Delegates could be elected by a minority of the people. This disparity had existed since 1776, when the Constitution was ordained and established, but was now much increased. The mode of electing the Senate through electors was considered particularly objectionable.

As early as 1807, a bill was introduced into the House of Delegates to give each county a Senator,

and the counties, delegates in proportion to population. The bill failed. In the next year a similar bill was introduced, but it was lost in the Senate.

After the War of 1812, the agitation of the subject was renewed, and became an element in State politics more or less obtrusive at different junctures. It at last waxed so warm, that, on the 6th of June, 1836, delegates chosen from Cecil, Harford, Baltimore, Frederick, Montgomery, and Washington Counties, and Baltimore City, met at Baltimore, and adopted resolutions advising the people to elect delegates at the ensuing election pledged to introduce into the Legislature a bill to take the sense of the people upon the amendment of the Constitution; and providing for calling a convention for that purpose, if a majority of the popular vote should be for it. And they empowered their president to re-assemble the convention, if the Legislature did not pass such a bill within forty days, "to take such ulterior measures as might then be deemed expedient, just, and proper, and best calculated, without the aid of the Legislature, to ensure the accomplishment of the desired results."

The election of President of the United States was near at hand, and was mingled in the question of amending the State Constitution. The Senate of the State was about to expire. An election of electors to choose a State Senator took place, and resulted in 19 Van Buren electors and 21 Whig. According to the

Constitution of the State, the electors met at Annapolis on the proper day. Twenty-four electors were necessary to constitute a quorum in the college. The 21 Whig electors qualified to take their seats in the college. The 19 Van Buren electors refused to meet in the college, unless the Whig electors would agree beforehand that 8 Van Buren Senators should be elected and 7 Whig. They based their proposition on the ground that the 19 Van Buren electors represented counties which contained a majority of the people. This proposition entirely ignored the Constitution of the State, which was not founded upon the numerical majority, but upon the majority as the people were organized under the established Government. The Whig electors refused to yield. So determined was Governor Veasy, who was a Whig, to maintain the Government and the Constitution, that he issued a proclamation calling on the military authority to hold itself in readiness to aid the civil to maintain its power. The 19 Van Buren electors finally went into the college, and a Senate was elected according to the provisions of the Constitution. Afterwards the reform was effected lawfully which was attempted to be effected by revolution. Mr. Taney had just been made Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He had discountenanced this movement of his party to get the control of the State. And I find letters from distinguished persons of his party, who favored the movement, expressing

the hope that he would not oppose it, which he answered, expressing strong condemnation of it as illadvised, rash, and unfortunate.

Neither friendship, nor politics, nor religion, so far as I have ascertained from access to all that remains to testify of the secrets of his life, ever induced him even to hesitate to follow the dictates of his judgment, enlightened by a conscience ever looking up for guidance to Him to whom he owed his first allegiance.