A MONTHLY PERIODICAL, CHIEFLY DEVOTED TO THE ADVOCACY OF

POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, AND
AND COMMERCIAL FREEDOM.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 1, 1845.

in the power of the rich. These ought,
perhaps, to be less ignorant on the
subject, though it is to be questioned
whether they are. Their familiarity
with details of office, a knowledge that
may fit them for the executive, is of
small value in legislation. From their
station it may further be expected that
they discover a heroic superiority to
ib. the temptations that might bias the
ib. poor.
But theoretic Toryism takes
7 little account of the pride of power and
brank, forgets the absurd standards of
honor which these always create, and
seems too little aware of the mean
chicanery, the servility, and villainy, to
which even the highest may be reduced,
for the sake of interests the most con-
temptibly vulgar.

It will be seen that we speak in all charity; for once, conversing solely with Toryism theoretic; and we simply wish to say, that, for the good of all parties, it seems better to divide the power. It is safer in the hands of the people. They may err in what they do with it. Still it is better so. Let them learn their lesson from experience, if no otherwise; at least, when they shall grow wiser, their acts will be also improved. At present, the people at large are very far in advance of their lords, while the nation is injured, it's good name even blighted by deeds, in which they never shared. So much for the Tory theory. It might be wished that, with as little difficulty, we could dispose of Tory practice.

for the poorer, and resist encroachment
upon
the middle classes, they have not
the remotest idea of properly securing
their liberty; to the one they refuse
the vote, to the other the protection of
the ballot.

Our subject, then, is government; civil rule of all kinds. For the reason that we write at all, we write chiefly on the institutions of our own country. Desirous of improvement, we appeal to such as may bring it forward. In this light do we regard our readers. Certainly, if Englishmen chose, they, at least, might be self-governed. But many things prevent their choice. Some have no conception of their rights; they cry for aid under burdens, and would charge them upon wrongs of providence. Let them learn, and play the child no more. Many more have true principles, but have no faith in their development. These follow their interest, and so eschew complaint; but, looking with a stupid gaze on the vast world of abuses, they annoy the peace of nature with their "How long, Lord!" To such, and to some others, many things have yet to be

said.

It will scarcely be necessary to mention the reforms which we judge it right to advocate; they are practicable and necessary, as well as sober and just. No sound Liberal, in these days, may contract his sympathy and zeal; the projects of reform are many: he must examine them all. The principles on which they found are very easily seen, and by these they may be judged. He may practically devote himself to one, but even that he will injure, if he shall bring it into collision with others that have equal claims. For ourselves we have much to say in behalf of all that we think good, and, perhaps, too, we may have somewhat against them. It is equally safe, and more honourable to assume this proud position; at least, we are more at liberty, if even with less support. We assume no special badge, because we have no right to

we confess that they have their uses.
Good has been done even by corn-laws,
and civil endowments of the church,
but how much greater evil? Robin
Hood, a villain, was charitable; and
Wallace, though misguided in his ulti-
mate aim, yet wonderfully benefitted
his country.

We are conscious, also, of the many
dangers that accompany the revolution
of interests, yet we cannot think with
Macaulay, that, on this account, the
state alliance should remain unsevered;
nor with Lord Russell, that the people
should not be fully represented in their
parliament. We do not profess to be
immaculate; yet, hoping that, if in
their position, we should have principle
enough to do ourselves what we believe
to be their duty; we assume the liberty
of our station, and criticise by the rules
of justice. It is not for them alone to
effect the great changes we desire.
But we offer them no thanks for their
opposition; they might gain, if they
choose, or create, and in a much more
effective manner, the liberal public
opinion, by which they profess to stand.
They will move when the people compel
them.
In the meantime we cannot
trust them to any greater extent.

Of another thing we are certainly assured, that the personal virtues of the rich are no greater security against oppression than are the opinions of the poor against many defects of character. If the principles of the latter are slandered for their personal defects, no wonder that the character of the former should suffer from their professed opinion. The worst acts of oppression, though supported by the best of men, preserve their character unchanged. Indeed, in a conflict like this, we think it much more in nature that the men should be judged by what they do; by the principles they support and act upon; than that principles should be condemned because held by certain men. Sound political views may emanate from intellectual energy, though sometimes unaccompanied by a noble life. In like manner, the interest of a party may blend the purest morals with the holding of a detestable creed. The judgment is, in both cases, unfair. The rich defame the poor, and We would not, for worlds, depreciate make an argument from their slander; a single valuable institution; on the and if the character of the rich is imother hand, we cannot support, because peached, with their tyrannous opinions, they happen to be established, institu- it is an equal retaliation, but leaves tions that are unjust; some that have the case unaltered. Only let none be been useful in their day, are unworthy deceived into the mistaking charity for of support now; of others the truth must be spoken, that they ought never

any.

With our dispositions and aims, and looking from our position, we believe that every true reformer would plead for the changes we advocate, and indulge in kindred hopes.

to have been set up.

And even when these are condemned,

justice, and think that the wealthy
discharge aright their political duties,
because they may, a few of them, be
exceeding kind to the poor.

Finally, as we praise while we censure, we rejoice, also, with every grief. To us there appears, in human life, a deep and even holy significance. Let reforms come sooner or later, we abide, in full trust, in our principles. Should they linger, and be delayed for the whole life of any of us, we are not murmurers ; we do not see life all blackness. Our hopes of the particular end, which our struggle has specially in view, do not obscure to our eyes the beauty of nature and truth, nor deprive us of the divine consolation that arises from the love of rectitude, and the ardent following of duty. We preach contentment to the poor, while urging them to the battle of rights; neither is the one so blind and servile, nor the other so arrogant and selfish, that, in the breast of an honest man, they should otherwise than counterbalance, without being destructive to each other.

THE CONDITION-OF-ENGLAND
QUESTION.

THOUGHTFUL observers have long been con-
vinced that our national affairs were in a state
foreboding ruin. From the millions, hope, the
balm of life, had almost departed. Their doom,
and apparently their inevitable doom, was, to
beg for employment; submitting continually to
an increase of labour, or a diminution of wages,
or both; to live without the remotest prospect of

independence, and die leaving to their children while, the few were seen outvying in splendour a heritage of deepening poverty. In the mean all who had preceded them. A conviction of common insecurity has at length forced itself upon the public mind; and the discussion of the has been taken up by almost all parties. This means necessary to avert the impending evil, is hopeful. Not that there are at present any clear symptoms of a resolute determination to grapple with the evil in its breadth and depth: that something must be done, and done without delay. The very attempt to "mollify with ointment," may show the necessity of the probe and the caustic.

but it is much to have secured the admission,

directed the attention of our legislators to the The Queen's speech on proroguing parliament, social state of the people, as a subject demanding their enquiry, and likely to be officially brought before them, when next they meet in mittees of enquiry about agricultural distress, Session. We have had, to superfluity, compauperism, factory abuses, and all the other symptoms of misrule. It is cheering to find, that at length the people-the sinews of the torial sympathy. The Rebeccaites of Wales, the incendiaries of Suffolk and other places, the threats of the colliers to leave the furnaces without fuel, the volcanic groans heard ever and anon in the densely-populated districts of the cient to raise a blush on a face of brass; coupled north, the exposure of wrongs in Ireland suffiwith the wise and intelligible declaration, “We will hear them no longer;" have induced the ministers to put into the lips of the Queen, a sentence about the social condition of the people. Instead of taking up this subject, as they were bound to do, many years ago, and dealing with it vigorously, they have waited to have it forced

state-are to have at least the share of sena

upon them by indications not to be mistaken | that if they do not bestir themselves, the whole framework of society will be broken to shivers, and thrones and mitres, and coronets and garters trampled indignantly in the dust.

While rejoicing in the slightest movement in a right direction on the part of our rulers, we should have no expectation of its leading to any beneficial results, were there not a simultaneous movement on the part of the people: but we hail with inexpressible delight the indications which are presenting themselves in different parts of England, of a sincere desire to relieve the oppressed and raise the degraded. Ecclesiastics, and other oligarchs, have been proclaiming, long and loudly, that scriptural command -"submit yourselves to the powers that be;" and are now, like the shrine makers of Ephesus, becoming frantic in their ejaculations of the same favourite precept: but in the midst of all their wailings and threats (and more potent than both,) a still small voice is heard, uttering in accents all musical and winning, that other precept, which archbishops and nobles but rarely hear, and more rarely obey-"HONOUR ALL MEN."

--

The meeting held a few weeks since in the Athenæum at Manchester, affords remarkable evidence of a growing disposition in many minds to forego the paltry interests and jealousies of party, and respect the rights of man. Tories and Radicals, men of commerce and of letters, united in giving utterance to truly generous and noble sentiments, and Young England, in its admiration of the humanizing influence of trade, resolved not to be & whit behind the orators of the League. There was not, indeed, any announcement of legislative measures to be attempted for the relief of the millions; but it is manifest, that with Lord J. Manners and his allies, principles are not playthings, nor mere claptraps, as in an opposition-speech of Lord John Russell, nor solemn inanities, as in the lips of Sir Robert Peel; but precious treasures of the heart, to be espoused through evil report and through good report. We attach no great weight to the crude opinions of these novel politicians; but when they are seen, amid all their mistakes, bending their attention, with hearty good will, to the wants and wrongs and woes of the people, who is not prepared to discern in them an omen of good?

Another favourable sign presents itself in a very different quarter of the horizon. Most of our readers know that the Congregationalists of England are very numerous, and have lately consolidated their strength, by forming the Congregational Union. One of the organs of that body, is the "Congregational Magazine." In the October number, the editor, anticipating the meetings of the Union to be held at Norwich,

writes as follows:

How can we

"The next question is, what can the congre. gational churches do for their country ?-for the poor and suffering of their country? What can the combined energies of the united congregational churches be made to accomplish, in the use of Christian and legitimate means, for raising the peasantry of England from their depressed, if it be not said their oppressed, condition?. fall in with the temperance movement, the free-trade movement, the education movement; in some of these things directly, in some indirectly, but in all with a friendly and co-operating influence for the good of the many?. How can we promote the temporal welfare of the indigent and the defenceless?... The congregational churches should manifest sympathy with the MANY. Certainly in this land, those principles in religion, trade, policy, which shall win the suffrages of the MANY, as the MANY obtain intelligence, will prevail. This is the class of the community whose voice will soon be heard, and whose voice, when heard, will be de

cisive. The many are learning, enquiring, and The whole process of farming is a continu-
feeling their way. Knowledge and information ation of reforms. The soil yields nothing in one
are opening upon them. They feel the wrongs and state; bring it properly into another state, and
hardships of their position. They think these can be you shall gain a noble crop. If, from year to
redressed. They mix together, in their half en-year, the field is treated in but one way, the har-
lightened minds, many truths and many mistakes. vest will necessarily fail.
There is nothing at this juncture more important
than to show them the religion of Christ, in its
true aspect-friendly to reason, favourable to liberty,

Reform, then, is nothing new. It is the busi-
ness proper for particular times, when the ur-
the guardian of rights and of order. Can the In-gency of the case demands it. Things never
dependent churches do this? Can they assist in go on long in the same routine; they require to
doing it? How can they best combine and strengthen be humoured to the occasion.
themselves for a great work for their native land ?"

Reform, also, if it be not conservative, is assuredly, taking all into account, the most preservative of the provisions of nature. There are many things among us that need it now, because of the growth of abuses-rust, decay, weeds. Happily there are also many that will go on yet for years without requiring a change. Reform must be change for the better.

Some may think there is rather too much of expediency in the manner in which the claims of the many on the Congregational body are here introduced: some may think the meeting of the Union is not the most fitting occasion for mooting the subjects suggested: some may mourn over the absence of all allusion to the But it never comes without opposition. The rights of citizenship: notwithstanding, the quo-old horse can hardly turn the mill longer, but he tation bespeaks progress, and is one of many would rather the mill should stop than be supthings which prove, beyond controversy, that planted by another. The flower-beds have the claims of the inillions have become too urgent grown extravagant, and now live in hot-houses to be longer unheeded. built over them, but the expenses of the farm will not bear it: they would flourish well enough as they were, but the people must be drained and taxed, because the high-bred flowers require it. No matter that they too should be ruined with the ruin of the people, they find it very comfortable to have things so, and prefer by all means to have them kept so.

The limits within which it is proper to restrict this article, forbid the mention of other incidents corroborating the opinion that, amid the apparent stagnation of the political world, the rights of the people are really being won. Whatever leads to enquiry, must expose their wrongs, and exhibit their claims, and lay bare the aristocratic oppression beneath which they have too long groaned. Whatever increases their knowledge and their self-respect, will fit and dispose them to demand justice in a firmer attitude than heretofore, and will prove the sure and not distant presage of their enfranchisement. Neither Queen, nor Young England, nor League, nor Congregational Union, mean this, but all are working together for the subversion of oligarchical power, and the triumph of democracy.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF REFORM.

No. I.

The world is one large agricultural county, of which the many nations constitute but a certain number of farms. The fall of one is an advantage to its neighbour, which rises in importance on its decay, and the superiority, as time progresses, and as the agricultural business improves, is passed from one to another, according to the capacity each has of improvement in cultivation. In the opinion of D'Israeli there is one race, the Caucasian, that has always managed things the best, and these, from farm to farm, have carried the march of improvement. They were the mighty of the early times, whose achievements are sung in romance; they founded the several great kingdoms, and are still in possession of the earth. All over it they reign wherever they go, in America, in India, in North Africa, and throughout Europe.

But the mastery is at present divided. One farm is better for one thing, another for another; and we in England have also a potent hand in the produce of our national soil.

Let this similitude assist us to discover our work and duty.

Now what is to be done with such a farm? It goes to ruin fast. Will the foolish flowers allow themselves a little fresher air? Of course not. Then the farmer will most probably compel them; if not, there is but one hope, that is, that when the corn fields are dying, they may find the supplies fall off, and so learn a lesson

or two.

As to the systems of relief that grow fashionable, they show a mixture of fear and ignorance. Parks, and cricket-grounds, and wash-houses, and relief-houses, are all very well in their way. Is it to please the poor? they would be as pleased without. "Take off that heavy foot of your's and let me rise," mutters labour to oppression. "I may be able to shake it off soon, but do not torment me with your smirking, feet-washings, and shampooing. No need for it, I say. Let me rise and wash my own feet.”

Conservatism is well in its place, reform when its work is done, yields to conservatism, but there are times, and ours is one, when heavy woes assail conservatism, if it will not yield to reform. Reform is mild, not destructive. But it may be goaded to madness. It was so among the French. It was so with our regicides: our Wat Tyler and Jack Cade men; and at one time our Chartist men. Then it got bound for a time, having weakened itself by its struggles; but the hour will approach of its renewed strength, and conservatism will go down the heavier. So will it prove in France, so in Russia, so in Spain, and so in Great Britain.

And what is it we desire? Only to remove abuse, nuisances, Corn-Laws and such hypocrisies of representation, clogs on labour and improvement, that the world may go on peaceably again for a while. We do not hope for mille his land: a true picture of a nation that will come and they go; some rich, others not rich. Imagine a British farmer refusing to plough niums. We have not the making of men. They not labour after improvement, and has no care for education. Imagine a farmer that shall the unsightly and destructive objects are clean But we do hope for a better order of things, when Waste his grain, an image equally true of an gone. We cannot let abuses accumulate to the improvident exchequer, that accumulates na-end of time. To our successors we wish well tional debts. Imagine him trying to force the and dare not leave for them to remove what we product of one field, caring only to plant flowers can better clear off with our own hands. We have in another. No less striking is the resemblance to the state of our governments at this hour, taxing, perpetually taxing one portion of the people, till they have not only no means of payment, but absolutely cannot support themselves.

an estate, and would make the best of it, especially as it is a property only given us for a time. We rejoice, therefore, to see so much that we have neither care nor call to reform, but we are grieved at the same time to behold