that they should not be precipitate in their decifions; that the lubject should be well understood, left they should refute to fupport the govern ment, after having haftıly accepted it. If those, who are in favour of the conftitution, as well as those who are against it, should preserve moderation, their difcuffions may afford much information, and finally direct to an happy iffue. It may be urged by fome, that an implicit confidence should be placed in the vever conve. tron; but, however reipeciable the members may be, who figned the conflitution, it must be admitted, that a free people are the proper guardians of their rights and liberties that the greatest men may err-and that their errors are fometimes of the greatest magnitude. Others may fuppofe, that the conft tution may be lafely adopted, because therein provifion is made to amend it. But cannot this object be better attained before a ratification than after it? And should a free people adopt a form of government, under conviction that it wants amendment? And fome may conceive, that if the plan is not accepted by the people, they will not unite in another but furely while they have the power to amend, they are not under the neceffity of rejecting it. I have been detained here longer than I expected, but shall leave this place in a day or two for Maffachuletts, and on my arrival shall submit the realons (if required by the legislature) on which my objections are grounded. C I shall only add, that as the wel fare of the union requires a better ution than the confederation, I shall think it my duty, as a citizen of Massachusetts, to support that which shall be finally adopted, fincerely hoping it will fecure the liberty and happiness of America. Address to the citizens of New JerJey on the new conftitution. IN the history of the American revolution, we shall find the prefent period more important to the citizens of this great republic than the awful and critical time of its declaration of independence. The latter opened the door by which our entrance into na tional importance was first madeset us on an eminence in the view of the world-it put us on the lift of competition with one of the mo powerful nations of Europe, but gave us only a chance for the elta blishment of our freedom, as the ille of the contest was very uncertatt This now being gained, the melt dif ficult and important task we have fi to go through. It remains for us convince our enemies that the liberty and independence which we had enter prize and bravery enough to acquire, we have wisdom and perfeverance to secure. If this be effectually done, we shall reap the benefit of our labours while we live; and pofterity will have cause to bless the memory of thote who raised and completed so noble and magnificent a ftructure: but if the re verse of this picture should be force upon the view of our citizens, ho many and heavy would be the curr of all good men upon our heads! O recollection will immediately furmal us with the history of a few fact Our present government were form ed in the times of immediate danger 4 and diftress---The enemy was hovering round us, ready to attack us on whatever fide there should appear an opening---our legiflatures were fometimes, during the very act of framing our conftitutions, driven from their places of deliberating: but as we had been forced to that point, where we muft throw from our shoulders the oppressive government of a tyrant, it became abfolute neceffary, that we should immediately substitute another in its stead. Our pressing necessities, if we expected to make a successful oppofition, pointed out to us, the aid of foreign powers---this could not be obtained, while we called ourselves fubjects of Great Britain; it was therefore indispensibly necessary to declare ourfelves an independent nation. This was wifely done, although we were not all aware of the great difficulties we had to encounter. Our national ship was launched into a wide ocean in the midit of storms, before she was well equipped, or had collected sufficient materials for her voyage---she has been toffed and buffeted about for several years, and often times in the extremeft danger; but at length, by her own strength, and the aid of those who came to her relief, she has been conducted fafely into port. However, on the inspection and examination of our mafter builders, the timbers are found so disjoined and decayed, that it is believed she cannot, without great risk, bear a second voyage, unless she undergoes the most thorough repairs. It is not my intention now to confider minutely either the defects of our prefent confederation, or particularly to observe upon that plan which has been lately offered to us by those diftinguished patriots and faviours of our country. My daily avocations allow me not much time for the study of politics. I shall, therefore, throw together, in haste, only a few general observations. I take it for granted, that scarce any thing new can be faid on this The great advantages which would 1 secured, America will teem with those who will fly from the flavery, perfecution, tyranny, and wars of Europe. The civil commotions of Holland will foon open a wide door to let her citizens and those of Germany into America. The trumpet of war has already founded in their ears, and we shall foon beheld the industrious labourers of those countries pouring into our ports and crouding our cities. Another good consequence of the new constitution, will be the power given to congress solely of coining money. By this means there will be one general currency throughout the united slates. The citizens of each state will be well acquainted with the money of the others, which will give it great facility and convenience to trade and all negociations in business. The creditor and debtor, though in different states, will equally know the value of what each receives or pays-the stranger and the traveller will have no difficulty or embarraffment on account of the difference of coins. However flender this tie may apper to some, I have no doubt but the sameness of money in every state, will have a powerful influence on our union. Needless alarms and fears have been endeavoured to be excited, as well, no doubt, by our enemies and those among us disaffected to our cause, as by some who act from better principles. Let us take a very short and summary view of the plan. The power of congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, impofts, and excises, has been objected to. Bv whom are those taxes to be laid? by the reprefentatives of the several states in congress. This is then in perfect conformity to that just maxim in free governments, "that taxation and representation should go hand in hand." To what purpose are these taxes to be applied ? It is expressly prescribed by the conltitution, " to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare the united states." What, would you faddle congress with the burden and expense of providing for the com mon fafety, and not give them the power of ra raifing any money? This would be requiring impoflibilities indeed. Congress will also have the power to raise and support armies. What evil can result from this? Even fupposing, altho' it is scarcely supposable, that the representatives of the people should form designs of enflaving their conftituents, how is it poffible they could effect their scheme? It is provided by the constitution, "That no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years." An army sufficient for such a purpose could not be raised in two years, much less could they complete the business in that time. Every two years the people may change their representatives if they please and they certainly would please to change those who should act with to much baseness and treachery. If the president should have such designs, without the concurrence of congrefs, he might have the honour of commanding an army as long as they would ftay with him, but it is not common for an army to remain long in the field without the profpeft of any pay. The power of the prefi dent of the united slates will not be fo great as many have represented. His consent is not necessary in pafling any law-if he disapproves, he has only a right to ftate his objecti ons: but if two thirds of both houfes do not join with him, it will be a law notwithstanding. 2. He is to o be commander in chief, and shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. It will be readily agreed that it would be highly ridiculous to fend representatives, and be at the expenfe of maintaining them, to make laws for us, if we did not give power 10 fome person or persons to fee them duly executed: The wisdom and prudence is to be shown in the framing laws: the complete execution of them ought to follow of course. The president, together with the senate, may appoint the officers of the united states. We find, in practice, that, generally speaking, persons best qualified are appointed to offices, where the number who appoint, are few. They feel their responsibility to the public to be more immediate and certain: for if the appointment be wrong, and the object of it unworthy, the cenfure can be easily fixed; the consequence will be, a greater care and circumspection in the choice. This we clearly saw, at a time, during the late war, when the new modelling of our army having become abfolutely necessary, the appointment of our officers was given folely to our worthy general. He alone became responsible: the consequences were important and happy for America. The power of the president is still guarded further by the oath which he is bound to take, before he enters on the execution of his office, where he swears that he will, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the conftitution of the united flates. It is faid by some of the opposers of the new plan of government, that in the person of the president, it verges to a monarchy-by others it is faid, that it approaches to an ariftocracy through the senare. The fenators are to be also bound by an oath or affination to fupport the constitution : and though though their appointments will be for fix years, yet the rotation of the new choice of one third of them every second year not only provides for experience in business by those who remain, but alfo against any evil schemes which require time and extenfive connexions. As to the danger of our ftate governments being annihilated, the fourth section of the fourth article declares that "the united flates shall guarantee to every state in the union a republican form of government." Thus every guard, which can be reasonably required, seems to be made againft improper encroachments. Now let me ask what will be the probable consequences of not adopting the proposed conftitution?with respect to ourselves in the first place, scenes of injustice between man and man may disclose themselves, contracts may be broken, and the means of redress poffibly not in the power of our legillatures, notwithstanding their best intentions: besides, there are greater difficulties than many people imagine in procuring national movements; and the probability is, that all the states would not be forward again in coming speedily into fuch a measure as forming another federal convention -The fatigue and disguft of our celebrated statefman, who have lately gone through a four months labour of investigation, would alfo tend to prevent the attempt-These men of acknowledged abilities and disinterested patriotism-if the refult of their deliberations is not attended to, who will undertake again the arduous tafk? The same difference of interests, in different flates, will remain but the fame friendliness and wish for compromise and accommodation will not exift, after repeated vexatious trials and disappoint ments. were Let us also recollect our fituation with respect to foreign powers. Some of them have lent congress money during the late war. Can congrefs insure the payment of either principal or interest? They may require, but not enforce they may afk: bur, if denied or negletted, there is no effectual remedy. Can this be called an efficient government? No---thi, part of it is laughed at by all E rope. But will theie powers only a laugh at our folly ? They will in short time do something more disagreeable to us-they will do justice to themselves by seizing our merchants' thips and making reprisals on our property. Well but, say those who are more successful in alarming and raising objections, than in propofing better conftitutions-would you have us adopt this without making alterations, when there are several things in it which had better be mended? Yes, I would-and for the following reasons. Which state convention will undertake to amend it ? It is probable that any one state would fooner hit upon what should be for the general good of the union, than the late federal convention, which was composed of representatives from every state? And if it was not for the benefit of the united states in general, but only of the individual state who proposed it, would it not in the first place immediately open a wide door for each flate to propose many amendments which might be calculated only for the advancement of local interest ? and in the next place, is it probable that a future convention (which at this rate would be necessary) would agree on better ground for the whole, than the late one? No: it would be illé to suppose it. It would serve but to procraftinate a delivery from our present distresses, and tend much, by exciting diffentions and quarrels, to our total diffolution as a nation. Although I drew my first breath in New Jersey, and have continued in it during my life, firmly attached to its local interest, yet, when I confider the impossibility of its existence at present, as a fovereign state, without a union with others, I wish to feel myself more a citizen of the united slates than of New Jersey alone. Our advancement and profperity, nay, our very exiftence as very a nation, depends on our union, and that union must have for its founda tion the good of the whole collectively confidered. This, I think, is effectually done in the new conltitution. In pourtraying this plan, the collective interest is so mixed, and blended in the general picture of the union, that happily the individual states are only diftinguished as branches of that general family, without the whole of which, the painting would be incomplete. In many publications against the proposed system, the writers argue on a presumption that congress wil set themselves up against the liberues of their country. Their proceedings will not be fecret their journals are ordered, in this very conftitution, be published, from time to time, for the inspection of all of whom wil that body be composed? Of a fenate, who are to be appointed by the legiflatures, who will be chosen by the people, and of a house of reprefentatives also chosen by the people: either act wrong, they would doubt less be left out in their next choice. While virtue and patriotifm re main in the people, it will always, with due care, be found in the representatives: when the fountain is pure, the streams that issue from it, must be clear. It is high time to shake off unmanly fears and sneaking jealoufiesyou have, my countrymen, long been sensible of the insufficiency of out present government. You have feat your belt and ablest friends to form another-after four months close ap plication, they have completed that which they now offer. Make a far experiment. Further alterations are provided for, when necessary. Thick seriously and act like men. A JERSEYMAN, November 5, 1787. |