JOHNSON'S PERFECTONE UNDERCOAT AND ENAMEL Johnson's Perfectone Undercoat is the perfect foundation for an enameled job; it is elastic, durable, non-porous, has great covering power, works freely under the brush and dries hard in from 18 to 24 hours. It will not run, sag, lap, chip, check, crack or peel. Has wonderful smoothness and opacity and will not absorb the enamel. Johnson's Perfectone Enamel is very elastic. It will not fade, chip, check, crack or peel. It may be flowed on or brushed out. Made in High Gloss in White, and Satine finish in White, Ivory and French Gray. on terms mutually agreed upon? He was welcome to try somewhere else. This was a free country, to be sure, but not for nuts. In the futile and exasperating manner of dreams, he repeated all this several times, being shunted about, standing in line, being told to take it or leave it, never once encountering a believer in the Open Shop. And just as he was trying to agree upon something with Mr. Gary, he woke up with a start, pinched himself, and thanked heaven that it was only a nightmare. John's Whether John's experience or nightmare is nearer to the facts as they exist in 1921, we do not commit ourselves for fear of seeming to disagree with the fundamental principles of the Great Crusade. But on the off chance that John's nightmare might conceivably be true in two or three backward spots, we venture to set down a few beliefs about so distressing a condition. If we are wrong, if in this country, but for the trade unions, men have a right to work for whom they please, when they please, on terms mutually agreed upon, then nothing which follows is worth considering. For what follows departs from the view of the Open Shop enthusiasts only in this, that it considers not whether the "rights" exist, but whether any one can today exercise them? It assumes in other words that a right on which men cannot act is as valuable as property on the moon. Those who are faint-hearted about the Open Shop Movement believe that the standards of employment, of discipline, of production, of pay, and of hours are no longer matters of individual fancy, but have to be fixed for whole industries. They, therefore, inquire who is to fix them, and they believe that the real meaning of what is called the Open Shop is the desire of the employer to fix them without consulting the men who are hired, are disciplined, do the manual It is an industry where revolt is an insti- The evils of the closed union shops are manifest enough, and they do not argue for it. They argue for an open union, open to all qualified workers without discrimination, associated with the organized employers to fix standards of work, and with an impartial machinery to decide individual cases on the basis of the standards agreed upon. They assert that this is the only form of open shop adapted to modern industry. They claim that experience demonstrates, and that events will prove that the moon-calf conception of the open shop is as unworkable as every other kind of social anarchy. THE MINERS STEP FORWARD By POWERS HAPGOOD, in The Labor Age VER two thousand delegates, the majority of them fresh from the darkness of the coal mines, gathered at Indianapolis on the 20th of September for the National Convention of the United Mine Workers of America. They represented local unions of coal miners from all the important coal-producing sections of the United States and Canada, and for nearly three weeks smoke-filled Tomlinson Hall resounded with their voices in one of the stormiest meetings in the history of the union. To many casual observers from the outside, the convention appeared to be nothing more than the scene of intense political wrangling between opposing factional leaders. Many of the delegates themselves were disappointed at the amount of time wasted in fighting over personal issues. Signs of progress, however, were visible amid the battle of words. The most important of these were the growing revolt of the rank and file, as the convention wore on, against leadership by "politicians," and the strong demand for public ownership of the mines. Howat of Kansas. For the first three days of the convention the stage was held by a factional dispute that centered about the political aspirations of the president of the eighty thousand miners of Illinois, Frank Farrington. This was followed by the long five-day fight over the effort of the international officers to discipline Alexander Howat, the leader of the Kansas miners. Both debates resulted in victory for the international administration. The Executive Board had commanded the Illinois executive to itemize an account "Made to Walk On" You know Johnson's Floor Wax. We want you to know and use our Floor Varnish, too. It is of the same high quality as our Floor Wax. To prove this statement we offer you a pint absolutely freeall charges prepaid. Johnson's Floor Varnish dries dust-proof in two hours and hard over night. It imparts a beautiful high lustre has good body-will give long wearis absolutely waterproof-and will stand all reasonable tests. JOHNSON'S FLOOR VARNISH Johnson's Floor Varnish is just the thing for hard and soft wood-oil cloth, and linoleum. Also for furniture, woodwork and trim of all kinds. May be rubbed if desired. Johnson's Floor Varnish is tough and durable. It gives a beautiful, high gloss which will not chip, check, mar, blister or scratch white. It is very pale in color so can be used on the lightest floors and linoleum. of $27,000 spent during the outlaw strike of 1919. The convention overwhelmingly upheld this action. Howat's defeat was less decisive. The question was: should the Kansas President be compelled to order back to work 30 or 40 men on strike in two Kansas mine operations? The Southwestern Interstate Coal Operators' Association had issued an appeal to the International Executive Board that this be done, on the ground that the strike was in violation of a contract. President Lewis had upheld the operators' request, and asked the convention, in an eloquent appeal, to sustain him on the principle of sanctity of contract. His ability to express himself clearly and his dominant sonality held him in good stead. per Howat, in contrast with Lewis, is quietvoiced and matter-of-fact in speech. He appears to be anything but the rash leader reputation has made him. In his defense he maintained that he had not called the strike, but that the operators themselves had closed down one of the mines. John Walker, President of the Illinois Federation of Labor, speaking in behalf of Howat, claimed that the fight against the Kansan was merely a scheme of the operators to eliminate him from the state organization. Some years ago the Coal Operators' Association had accused Howat of accepting bribes. The accusation led to his forced resignation from the presidency of the Kansas miners. Howat thereupon returned to work in the Kansas pits, and remained a miner two years until he was able to produce evidence of his innocence. He subsequently sued the Association for defamation of character, won his case, and was re-elected to office. Over $30,000, it was admitted by the President of the Association, had been spent to discredit the name of the Kansas leader. Many delegates at the September convention felt that this was a similar case, and voted against commanding Howat to order back his men. Others, however, who believed in Howat, voted against him, fearing to oppose the administration on a matter which might be construed as a violation of contract relations. The final vote stood, 2,753 for the administration, 1,781 against it. Rank and File Rebel. In the meantime, the rebellion of the rank and file grew, and on more than one occasion, when the officers indulged in personal attacks, the delegates howled them down. William Green, the secretary-treasurer of the union, was unable to begin his speech for at least a half hour because of the objection raised by the rank and file to the procedure of the chairman in giving the floor four successive times to officers of the board. Old timers stated that they had never witnessed such a situation. During all of this time, however, no leader appeared possessing sufficient determination and magnetism to develop the rebellion into a constructive opposition. Howat, it may be added, had returned to Kansas after the first few days, to begin serving his jail sentence, imposed for violation of the Kansas Industrial Court law. The Mines for Public Service. This awakening of the rank and file, while a step forward, cannot be measured in concrete terms. The convention, however, in its final days, made several advances of a very definite character. Undoubtedly the most important single accomplishment was the mine nationalization resolution. The resolution reaffirmed the miners' endorsement of public ownership at the Cleveland convention two years before; declared that the natural resources, particularly timber and coal, are now being despoiled "under a system of production which wastes from 33 to 50 per cent of these resources" for the sake of maximum dividends, and held that "the coal supply of our nation should be owned by the commonwealth and operated in the interest of and for the use and com fort of all the people in the commonwealth." It demanded immediate nationalization of the coal industry of the United States and instructed the international officers of the union to prepare a bill for the purchase of all coal properties at a figure representing actual valuation of these properties, and for the operation of the mines by governmental commissions on which the mine workers are given equal representation. It further instructed the union officers to appoint a committee to prepare a treatise showing the savings of public ownership, and to carry on a campaign of education on nationalization among all people whose support is necessary to achieve this end. President Lewis later appointed the best possible committee that could have been chosen to draw up the nationalization statement. The chairman of this committee is the one great outstanding figure in the fight for nationalization, John Brophy, president of the 45,000 coal miners of district No. 2 in central Pennsylvania. Through his enthusiasm and leadership the miners of district No. 2, at a special district convention, declared themselves in favor of the "larger program" of the miners, a program which includes public ownership of the mines and other progressive steps and which deplores the old "worn-out policy" of "grievances and small demands." The other two members are men who have long been favorable to the nationalization idea-William Mitch, the secretary-treasurer of district No. 11 of Indiana, and Christ J. Golden, President of district No. 9 in the anthracite region. The appointment of this committee with power to use the columns of the Miners' Journal and to spend funds of the organization in an educational campaign, gives the greatest encouragement to advocates of this forward step. Howat Chosen Delegate. Of importance also among the actions of the convention was the selection of Alexan Free to Union Painters This Beautiful Portfolio of Wood Panels This beautiful portfolio shows on various woods the many beautiful effects obtainable with Johnson's Perfectone Undercoat and Enamel, Johnson's Wood Dye, Johnson's Paste Wood Filler, Prepared Wax, etc. Every portfolio costs $2.00, so we can't afford to send them out generally, but we are glad to furnish them gratis to union painters who use Johnson's Wood Finishes in their work. JOHNSON'S WOOD DYE With Johnson's Wood Dye soft woods can be finished so they are as beautiful as hard wood. Johnson's Wood Dye is very easy to applygoes on easily and quickly without a lap or streak-penetrates deeplybrings out the beauty of the grain without raising it dries in four hours-and does not rub off or smudge. |