millions of money among a people, from a part of whom they were gathered by the process of taxation; to the disposal of the remnants of Native Nations; a subject to whom some eminent men) attach, an awful national responsibility. To the command over the militia, perplexingly but unavoidably apportioned between the States, and the confederacy: To old and to new regions, comprising every species of industry, and labor, known in the world; and especially to the preservation of a judiciary constitutionally independent; which is, and should be, supreme over all, and which has, and should have, the power of pronouncing on the validity of laws made under the sovereignty of the States when they come in conflict with those of the nation.

The administration of such a government is truly difficult, even when the highest minds, governed by the purest motives, are called to it. What, then, may it become, when the object is to carry men and measures; or to raise a rampart around a usurped authority.

6

The problem which the authors of the federal constitution raised, will there be despotism in the head, or anarchy among the members?' remains to be solved. The solution will come, from the efforts of national rulers, to maintain what they hold to be, the true construction of their powers, or in the efforts of the States to maintain their sovereignty, against what they may hold to be, encroachment, or usurpation. We have had some sober warnings in both respects. While we regret to see the warm excitement, which easily arises in some of the States,

we should regret still more to see, that it is forbidden to the States to inquire, whether the solemn treaty among sovereigns, has, or has not been violated. It is a discouraging circumstance, that the manly and liberal views which should arise from a compact, founded on compromise, and designed for general benefit, may degenerate into pitiful struggles, of contending factions; and into sordid desires of sectional politicians. For honest difference on constitutional construction, we have a remedy (before alluded to) of American origin. A tribunal independent of popular election; composed of men eminent for wisdom, learning and purity of character, and by whom inflexible justice is valued above all other considerations. If this tribunal shall ever become intimidated, or corrupt, or be subjected to popular feeling, we shall have begun a revolution which cannot retrace its steps.(5)

It seems to be a peculiarity of our condition, that those benefits which we hold in the highest estimation, are subject to discouraging changes, and sometimes to dangerous abuses. We can have no right more precious than that of religious opinion, and worship. It is eminently that right which the Pilgrims so often risked their lives to secure. If there be any object which shows the human character in an amiable, and respectable light, it is that of a numerous assembly, devoutly engaged in service, under the ministry of a justly honored, and beloved pastor. But this very blessing of religious freedom is dividing us into small communities, which are not only unable to maintain learned, and able teach

ers, but to maintain any. No remedy is discerned for this state of things, unless it be in the increase of numbers, and the diffusion of knowledge. It is probable, that Seceding Societies will continue to be known among us, and that they will sometimes be the shadow, which shows the presence of a splendid light. This freedom is the true source of sincere piety, and rational devotion; but it permits, also, a fervor, and enthusiasm, not well adapted to the vocations of human life; nor to the mild, gentle, and consoling spirit of Christianity. Is there no reason to fear, that inconvenient exactions, and severe observances, will carry reaction to a dangerous extreme? Is it to such causes, that we are to refer doubt, disgust, infidelity, and deistical assemblies? or to what cause shall we attribute those meetings which teach, there is no God, but reason; there is no future for man!

We have another striking example in THE PRESS. Glorious invention! a voice that may speak with many tongues, and over the whole earth, at once, of human hope, of duty, of right, of immortal life; which binds all numbered ages to the present; and the quarters of the earth together; the preserver of the achievements of human genius; the diffuser of the common welfare among the great family of mankind; the encourager of noble motives, and honorable deeds; the terrible censor of turpitude, and crime; the medium of communion between enlightened minds; the conservator of rational liberty; how free, is it in this happy land! how alarmingly free! How delusive, fraudulent, and corrupting! What a terrible engine is it, in the hand of moral, and political profligacy! At the present moment,

the press is in motion, to abolish the fundamental principles of moral action; and to annihilate the bond of political connexion.

What is the remedy for this audacious wrong? What has intelligence, virtue, and reaction been able to do, in staying its influence? To what are we to attribute this deplorable perversion of the best invention of the human mind? Would civil liberty endure longest without the press, or with such use of it as we are accustomed to see? Or rather will civil liberty expire soonest under the weight of the press, or by its abolition? Are we to reproach the conductors of the press; or the community, which demands, receives, pays for and devours, the gross and corrupting aliment which the conductors of the press distribute?

In

On the continent of Europe, the press is under the control of those who have an absolute dominion over persons, and over the expression of their thoughts. As this dominion is claimed, and exercised, as a right, and is limited by the ability to continue to hold it, it cannot tolerate the press. England the press is as free, and as much misused as in our own country; but in England the weight of the government, the influence of wealth, talents, and privileged orders, create a connected and combined strength, which is assailed in vain. Here, the press encounters no obstacle in its way to the very heart of sovereign power, which it can form and put in motion, to accomplish the intended purpose. If the purpose be to bring a majority to be of one opinion, and the means are, not the statement of

truth, but of falsehoods, how are they who read to detect the fraud? To insist that every one who reads, can discriminate between what is true, and what is false, is to deny that falsehood is ever published. The remedy, it is said, is to follow the mischievous publication with a corrective one. The latter rarely goes where the remedy is wanted; if it always did, the attempt to correct, puts the party on the defensive; and the call then is upon an adversary, to admit that he is wrong.

The press is, here, what eloquence was in Athens. A celebrated Greek, speaking of the ambitious men of Athens, said, 'Their triumph is that of eloquence, which seems to have arrived at perfection, for no other purpose, but to introduce despotism into the bosom of liberty itself.'

If there be any remedy for the abuses of the press, the press itself must furnish it. But by whom shall it be put in motion to this useful end? How many of those who are most competent to this service, are absorbed in their own vocations; or wearied of thankless labor; or disgusted with the process of our experiment; or hopeless that any effort can arrest our downward tendency in the common path of republics?

We cannot but commend that philanthropy, which seeks to emancipate millions from slavery. To what effort can we more cordially wish success? Yet what a dangerous, difficult, and impracticable enterprise is this? If the purpose in view could be accomplished in a single day, what is to be done with two millions of persons, who are without