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secret enemies, of ancient republics did most to overthrow them, may be doubtful; but it is certain that the latter always stood ready to give the mortal blow.

We have also to meet, that propensity of mankind, peculiar to no age, or country, to create IDOLS, and to clothe them with fascinating attributes, and to vest in them extravagant power. In our time, we have seen a man raised from the common level, to the highest eminence, without one quality that deserved esteem. Adored through all his faults, follies, and crimes, though he felt no kindness, no sympathy for his worshippers. Adored through all his miscarriages, and humiliations, though he deserved them all. Adored in his far distant, seagirt sepulchre, which would be worn by the knees of visiters, were it not inaccessible. To what quality of our nature are we to refer this propensity? Is it self-love? Is it the ready association of ourselves with the grandeur, which is our own work? Is it the sentiment of triumph over adversaries? The establishment of power, which makes its supporters strong, and of a glory, which descends and envelopes the lowest who can shout applause?

We reproach the hero for his false elevation. We should reproach those who gave it.

The plots which have originated with individuals to subjugate communities, have succeeded less frequently by the force of terror, than by the cooperation of the victims of success. It is not peculiar to those, who have been fortunate in arms, to be made idols. It would be easy to prove this by historical

facts; and we should not have to cross the Atlantic to find all of them. The danger seems to be in the enthusiastic devotion to the man, who is thus raised above all responsibility, and who cannot in his own opinion, nor in that of his supporters, be charged with intentional or accidental error.

The distinguishing excellence of our political system is, the frequent recurrence of election in every department, in which that power can be usefully exercised. But this power, like other good, when perverted into an evil, becomes destructive, in proportion to its intended utility. It is that power which is most liable to abuse: the abuse can never be admitted, nor proved, where alone it can be remedied ; because it is the majority on whom the abuse is chargeable. The majority is the sovereign, and the sovereign can do no wrong. The most natural and easy departure from the beautiful theory of our institutions is to consider public trust a property, vested in successful candidates, and their prominent supporters, to their own use. This was the vice of the ancient governments. It was the struggle for this property, that converted the Grecian cities, and Rome, into scenes of frightful personal wars. In the last three fourths of our present national connexion, we have descended, rapidly, in the common path of all self-governed communities. At first patronage seemed to smile rather in regard of some alleged difference of principle between the two sorts of republicans into which the nation was divided. It soon transferred its favours to partizans, as well as to principle. And then, none but an avowed partizan was capable

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and honest enough, to serve his country. At this day how much better is the struggle than those which are carried on by physical force. In the one case, victory disposes of place, of property and of persons. The result of an election, in like manner, disposes of all that is within the reach of victory.

How far, then, have we already declined from that elevated standard which governed us, when WASHINGTON was among the public agents? Did any citizen believe, in his time, that disgusting adulation on the one side, and odious crimination of the other, would be the surest means to recommend himself to an office?

It is grateful to contemplate the character of this EMINENT PATRIOT, and painful to know how soon, and how thoroughly, some of his maxims of conduct were disregarded. He seems to stand alone in the scale of human worth; and to be the only man, who has maintained, living and dead, his hold on the gratitude, respect, and affection of the world. He commanded no personal enthusiasm; he neither made the community, nor the community him. Utility, talent, integrity, fidelity, justice, self-respect, in one word wisdom, shed a simple, venerable, glory around him, which was his, and has been no other man's. This glory will shine forth to illumine our path as long as the American people are worthy of having had such a countryman, and no longer.

If there be a doubt, whether intelligence, and virtue, will be so diffused, and respected, as to preserve civil liberty, still we are not to despair of the republic. Surely there must be great reliance on

these; but by their own force they will never make all men think alike, nor act to the same end. We find, for them a powerful auxiliary in a principle, which pervades all being, that is submitted to human notice. It is that which keeps the planets in their orbits, and which governs the physical structure, and the moral agency of men. It has never had so fair an opportunity to disclose its powers, and produce its benefits, as among the American people. All our relations, moral, social, and political, are held in their proper spheres, by the power which attracts, and the power which repels. Among us, men, and things, check and balance each other. The interests of the village are weighed against each other. The rule is the same in larger communities. The local, and opposing interests, throughout the nation, will, if anything will, keep the whole in harmony. The eminent men who seek distinction, or to whom it is tendered, of whatever kind, and from whatever motives, exercise a salutary power over each other; and each one is duly careful that neither of his opposing aspirants, shall gain too commanding an ascendancy.

Difference of opinion, and interests, civil and religious, which can never be reconciled, nor mingled, so far from being just causes of regret, are the very bond of general union, and accordance. The more divisions are multiplied the greater is the security. It is only when a nation is divided into two nearly equal parties, and the prevailing one undertakes to silence, and disgrace its adversary, that the common safety is in hazard. When the dominant faction,

begins to use the fruits of its victory, reaction again comes to our relief, for its own weight dismembers it; and the minor factions which arise out of a broken one, carry on the great principle in which our security reposes. We have heard of unprincipled and seditious oppugnation to government.' Opposition may be unreasonable; and may proceed from the worst of motives. But if there were not vigilant and powerful minorities, to hold up the charter of rights, and to warn the men in office, that they are not, and that the people are, sovereign, the days of the republic would soon be numbered.

That we are still in the process of an experiment, may be shown, by the probable operation of the national authority. The powers delegated by the sovereign states, are to be construed, and applied, to a community hourly filling up with native, and imported population. It is obvious that those who desire stability and order, will not increase so rapidly as those who hope for some gain, from any change.

They are to be applied, also, to a country of such extent, that the centre between the northeastern and southwestern extremities, is near to the southern line of the State of Ohio; and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the centre is westward of any existing settlement. When the Texas is purchased, and added, the extremities will be as distant from each other, nearly, as the new and the old worlds, are.

They are to be applied also, to the concerns of internal and external policy; to the disposal of nine hundred millions of acres of unsettled territory; a subject likely to be fruitful in troubles; to that phenomenon in financial measures, the distribution of

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