SUPPLEMENTARY LECTURES. LECTURE I. DUMONT. NOV. 1832. IT T is more than twenty years since I first began to give lectures on the subject of modern history. The first course that I delivered, included the period between the irruption of the northern nations and the Revolution of 1688. The second extended from that event to the close of the American war. My third course consisted of such remarks as I could venture to make on the French Revolution. The period that I attempted to consider, was from the accession of Louis XVI. to the close of the Constituent Assembly. The fourth and last course extended to the fall of Robespierre. It is now my duty once more to renew my lectures, and I do so with increased anxiety. The importance of good opinions in the educated classes of society, is now more than ever obvious; but it has been so for many years. While I was first delivering lectures, Buonaparte was advancing every day in his dreadful career, and was fast subduing Europe. In my introductory lecture I was obliged to confess, that this mighty conqueror had destroyed what had hitherto been the studies of the readers of history; that there was no Holland, no Italy, and no Germany to be found; and that the treaties, and interests of states and kingdoms, as they had formerly stood, had disappeared: but I immediately subjoined, and have never failed, every successive year that I have delivered this introductory lecture, to subjoin, that though the details of history might not be considered of such importance as they once were, the philosophy of history was more than ever to be studied; that empires might now be seen in all their different gradations of rise and progress, and more especially of decline and fall; that history was, in truth, now more than ever an object of reasonable curiosity, and even of just anxiety and necessary attention; and that whether we considered the state of our own country, or of Europe, it was impossible to say how much might not depend on the intelligence and virtue of the rising generation." With these words have I concluded my introductory lecture every year, now for a long period, and with every year they have appeared to me more appropriate to our situation. They, who were then the rising generation, are now the actors in our political concerns: the importance of their opinions will not be denied me. You, in like manner, who are now hearing me, may have still more critical offices of duty to render to your country. The transitory nature of every thing human has always been observed by philosophers; but the eternal restlessness of the minds of men has, from the close of the last century, been particularly striking: much of the improvement of society is, no doubt, to be attributed to it. This is a great good; but like every other, it is not unmixed. We may pursue shadows, we may hurry ourselves or others into disappointment, misery, and crimes; and it behoves us to be well prepared with those opinions and feelings, which are based on such foundations of truth and duty, as are not, like other human things, transitory, and against which the restlessness of the human mind ought not to prevail. It has been my humble effort always to keep opinions and feelings of this kind in your view, and recommend them to your adoption. I may or may not have succeeded; but what I would wish the student to do, is this. Let him observe the opinions that are here given, and the duties that are here enforced; and whether he admits them now or not, let him consider them hereafter in his progress through life, and note well how he sees them affected by his subsequent experience; and let him retain, or modify, or abandon them, as he then thinks proper. What I ask is, that a decision against me may not be made now. Of late years I have chiefly delivered lectures on the French Revolution; I conceived myself to have no other choice; the subject had become continually of more and more interest and importance. In the lectures themselves, particular characters, and discussions, and narratives appeared to have no very obscure reference to what was passing around us, not only in Europe, but even in this country; so much so, that I was obliged last year to state, that I never meant, in what I delivered from this place, to mix myself in the politics of the day, and that as several observations I was going to make might appear to do so, I really should read in the way of lecture not a single line that had not been written, and even produced here some years before. And now that I am this year to renew my duty of lecturing, the same reasons which prevailed with me then, must, I think, influence me now. I mean, therefore, chiefly to direct your attention to the French Revolution, and shall begin with the first course; and the same assurance that I gave before, I must now repeat. I shall read nothing from this place that has not been written some time ago, nothing that has not been part of my lecture, as it first stood; where it may be otherwise, you shall be told. In this manner I may hope to keep clear of what I mean to avoid, all interference in our party politics. I must, however, before I proceed, make a few observations. During all these lectures, the lesson that I am constantly endeavouring to enforce, is the duty, in politics, of moderation. You will be perfectly wearied by the repetition of this topic: admitting the principle itself, you will think it too obvious to dwell upon, and may not be at all aware of the necessity there is of presenting it so often to your consideration. But is it not necessary? I do not mean, I must repeat, to mix myself with the politics of the day, but this question, at least, I may ask, and thus far, at least, I may advert to them. Am I, indeed, ill employed, when inculcating the virtue of moderation? Look around you and reflect. Do parties hear each other? do they exaggerate? do they misrepresent? Observe the debaters on each side; look at the opposite manifestoes in the public papers, or periodical reviews, and publications; could it possibly be supposed, that the same measures or the same men were the subjects of discussion? And if it be the great interest of mankind, that their concerns should be adjusted according to the principles of truth, what is in the mean time to become of our country, while reason and truth |