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ROCHESTER

The Birthplace of the Best Adhesives

Entertains the Convention of the International Association of Master House Painters and Decorators, Feb. 13-16,1912 We are glad of this opportunity to show the members how good our adhesives are and how they save money for the Decorator.

SPON-TEM and CLARKSIZE

POWDERED STEK-O ADHESIVES

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They are clean and sanitary—prevent the growth of germs and vermin. They will not sour or ferment-they are smooth and easy flowing-very strong and yet will not discolor any material.

You'd better try them-if you have not done so.

SPON-TEM and CLARKSIZE bear the attached Trade Mark which is a GUARANTEE of the HIGHEST QUALITY and GREATEST ECONOMY.

CLARK PAPER & MFG. CO., Rochester, N. Y.

Originators and Sole Manufacturers.

Dealers Everywhere.

receiving callers. She waited for Liza Mary to admit the guest, but Liza Mary did not respond. Again the knocker sounded, this time more softly. Chagrined that a guest should be kept waiting on her threshold, amazed at Liza Mary's delinquency, she hastened to the door.

On the topmost step stood a tiny lad, who doffed his cap as any gentleman should when addressing a lady. Then, with a polite little bow he extended a note.

"Is this for me?" inquired Miss Car'line. "Yes, Ma'm."

"Won't you step in?"

The child hesitated. "No, Ma'm, not until-after-you have read the letter."

The child's hesitancy, his odd manner of replying, caused her to stoop the better to see his face.

Then with shaking finger she opened the envelope.

"I am your nephew, Robert Jackson Hemmingway, and with the Lord's help dear Aunt Caroline, I should like to be your Valentine."

The writing was unmistakingly that of Liza Mary-the sentiment as unmistakingly that of Violet Rose.

For a moment Miss Car'line twisted the note between fingers which no longer trem

bled. Stooping again, she turned the lad's wondering face up to hers.

"My sister's child," she whispered brokenly, and with a gesture of infinite tenderness drew him inside the door.

Shortly after, the sitting room bell rung violently. As both Violet Rose and Liza Mary had been in ambush (behind the magnolia bushes) when the "valentine" was delivered, they had barely time in which to don their uniforms and report for duty.

"Prepare the south chamber for my nephew, at once," commanded Miss Car'line. Liza Mary saluted and withdrew.

Then, as Violet Rose's turbanned head appeared in the doorway; "Serve dinner an hour earlier tonight, and see that a pitcher of milk is placed by Master Robert's plate."

And now as the curtain falls on this little drama it is quite essential to have orchestral music.

Listen! From the kitchen come victorious strains:

"Praise God from whom all blessings flow.

'Way down South in Dixie!

Ah may be crazy but Ah ain't no fool."

COMMENT ON CURRENT EVENTS

BY A TRADE UNIONIST.

ONSISTENCY is said to be a jewel and also the fetich of fools. Το some extent both definitions are true. Because a man changes his mind it is not necessarily an indication that he is dishonest or unstable; on the other hand, the man who does not change his mind on a certain subject is not of necessity obstinate or unintelligent or honest beyond other men. Circumstances must be taken into consideration before we pass judgment on the honesty or dishonesty of a man or group of men who change their opinions or advice.

During the hard times of 1896 when Bryan first ran for the presidency we were told by the Big Interests that wages and prices could not be raised by increasing the volume of currency. You will remember Bryan said that if we coined more money wages and prices would go upward. You also recall that that doctrine was denounced as foolish, to repeat the mildest term. Some of the more reckless gold bugs went so far as to declare the idea was born in the minds of harebrained farmers, labor agitators and all that sort of thing. Of course that was all nonsense, for many eminent economists- the great John Stuart Mill, at least-had supported the theory.

Goldbugs of 1896 are supporting it now. The other day I read an article opposing the proposed parcels post scheme. It was an argument intended to show that the increased cost of living was not due to any middleman, be he retailer, jobber or wholesaler. The writer knew that a great many people are of the opinion their pocketbooks are materially lightened by that group of higher ups. There are even persons who doubt whether these merchants give service of anything like the value for which they charge. So the article had to show how it comes that prices are high. The writer says the real reason is that we have an increased volume of gold-that where we had sixty-two dollars worth on hand twenty years ago, we have one hundred dollars now. That is an admission which proves -so far as it proves anything-the correctness of the claim that if you increase the volume of money you will raise prices.

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Now the officers of the association standing sponsor for the article, are a magnificent bunch of goldbugs, some of whom have won notoriety as opponents of the "dangerous financial heresy" of 1896.

Among them are such men as one of the Banker Forgans and the Farwells of Chicago.

We have a right to question the honesty of these men. There is no evidence that they have changed their opinions. Those of them who know anything about the matter would probably say that in 1896 they did not question the soundness of the theory, but opposed Bryan's intended application of it. Perhaps there is some merit in such a contention, though it is far from being nothing but the truth and the whole truth. Their purses and pens were used to make the plain people believe that Bryan was wholly wrong. Had Mark Hanna and his cohorts told the public the truth-that an increase in currency would raise prices -the wage-earners and farmers would have voted for Bryan in such numbers that the avalanche of ballots would have buried all the crooked counters and ballot box stuf fers who were operating that year.

From whatever angle we look at it, we are justified in concluding that the Big Interests are using one argument now, for the same reason that they used the opposite argument sixteen years ago-because they want to delude the public.

While in favor of the parcels post, I am not among those who are going wild about it, or who would make it a big political issue. This opposition association, officered as it is by men who are noted for their hostility to the progress that helps to make life safer and pleasanter for the worker and the poor, convinces me that the parcels post is somethiing worth having. The method of opposition and the character of the men behind it, constitute strong evidence that the parcels post will help to loosen their grip. The best thing the reformers could do would be to give the world the names of some ten persons in this association, who want to save the country.

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Speaking of postoffice affairs reminds me that the Painter and Decorator is now sent by freight. In noticing the change our editor gets hot under the collar and says it is part of a plan to hamper the reform press. Unreasonable as it seems in the twentieth century and in these United States, there are many acts of the present postoffice administration which indicate that it is using its power to intimidate the press. Some of its rulings are ridiculous and others outrageous.

We are constantly being told that this is a government by law, but a recent postoffice officer indicated that that time worn "bunk" did not apply when the postmaster general was concerned. The Review of Reviews had been criticising the administration at Washington, and shortly thereafter that publication was sent by freight. Its publishers alleged that competing journals were allowed to go by fast mail, and they went into court seeking relief. The judge referred them back to the postmaster-general, saying in effect the courts could do nothing, and that the publishers remedy was to impeach the postmaster-general. Imagine the job of impeaching a cabinet

member, especially one with all the patronage which the postmaster-general has at his disposal.

The real truth is that the men who are publishing the Review have no recourse. The offending official is not directly responsible to Congress and the courts refuse to interfere. From that point of view, an American cabinet official is about as well fixed to open up business as an autocrat as any reigning monarch, and has better opportunities than most of them.

Strange as it may seem, the power is said to be used. I am told that publishers admit among themselves that they are afraid of the iron-hand of the postoffice department. That is why more of them do not speak out in the manner in which the Painter and Decorator has done.

But such conditions cannot continue. The protest will be made, and made soon. Even Postmaster General Hitchcock evidently has a notion that something is going to be said pretty soon. And he is trying to sidetrack that something. If anything, he is by nature a political standpatter, but he is not only advocating a parcels post but is throwing his hat for government owner

ship of the telegraph. No one who knows Hitchcock will give him credit for being honest in that move. His purpose is to raise a large question of remote practicability, so as to hide from the public the apparently smaller matters of immediate concern. He hopes to get us talking about government ownership so earnestly that we will forget his autocratic rulings and century-old method of sending magazines by freight.

Really, the American people should not be surprised at manifestations of the autocratic spirit in government officials. The populace elected President Taft, who holds that the many should be subject to the supervision of the select few. He was justifying the exercise of power by judges at the time he made that expression, but since we admit the correctness of the principle we admit that government by the people is impossible. There is something wrong when a man holding such views is the titular head of a democracy.

The blanket indictments issued by the federal grand jury that carried on its probing at Indianapolis should be pleasing to organized labor. There are about two million union men, and for years interested parties have been telling the world that we are every mother's son of us-criminals or possessed of a guilty knowledge of crime, and that criminality is the legitimate child of unionism-no other sort of offspring is possible. The people had come to believe a good deal of that, and it was becoming exceedingly difficult to defend unionism against the charge of being a crime producer. Now the air is clearing. There has been an expensive and exhaustive investigation into the so-called labor conspiracy. Confessions there have been galore; indeed, the fates seemed to favor the inquis

itors, who were well supported by the government and private parties. At the end of it all we find a handful of indictments, and of the hundreds of organizations but one is involved. All this means a good bill of health to the movement generally, and it will recover rapidly from the effects of the McNamara confession.

Meantime the strong-arm man and deep-down worker must be relieved of of ficial burdens.

Clarence Darrow has learned by this time that methods which may be employed by the lawyer of a corporation cannot be utilized when the client is a poor man.

About the time Judge Wright sentenced Gompers and others he said in an interview that there was no suspicion of the courts in the minds of the American public. The masses venerated the courts, in his opinion. The judge knows better now. Every day some one jumps into print with a comment on the courts, and defenders of the sacred institutions are explaining and apologising-not striking back. That is a sure sign of reform. I wonder if it ever occurs to Wright that he gave a great impetus to the agitation to renovate the courts. The arrogant attitude of this judge went far toward convincing the people that they must pay more attention to the doings of the gentry who sit on the bench.

Our old friend Gripe nuts Post is not going to attack us again through the ad columns of the daily press. I, for one, an really and truly sorry. Every time he wrote he made us friends by the score. His attacks were so transparently unfair that they probably reacted against his business, and now he is going to "lay low," and cease to add to the joy of the labor hosts.

OUR COUNTRY

Her strength is not in looms nor lands
Nor pride in that she banished kings;
Her life is in the dream she dreamed
To bring all men to higher things.

Her spirit needs we give her faith,
The heart that will, the hand that can;

She asks of us the best of us,

She calls the man within the man.

We serve with lips, but serve for gold,
Fain to condemn, but faint to do;
She fears not that we prove her false,
But that we prove too weakly true.

Scorning the lusts of self and pelf,

Ours to be strong and stern for good; Make real in life as Nch in love,

Our country's dream of brotherhood! -Michael M. Davis in People's Institute Bulletin.

In its report, printed in this number,

The Painter and Decorator the Election Board emphasizes the need for

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General Officers.

GEO. F. HEDRICK, General President,

No. 2

Drawer 99, LaFayette, Ind. J. C. SKEMP, General Secretary-Treasurer, Drawer 99, LaFayette, Ind.

JOHN M. FINAN, 1st Gen. Vice-President,

607 Belden Ave., Chicago, Ill. JOSEPH F. KELLEY, 2nd Gen. Vice-President, 5924 Spruce St., Philadelphia, Pa CHAS. A. CULLEN, 3rd Gen. Vice-President,

4 Fairmont Ave., Worcester, Mass.

D. L. HUNT, 4th Gen. Vice-President,

2722 Sinto Ave., Spokane, Wash. CLARENCE E. SWICK, 5th Gen. Vice-President, P. O. Box 304, Memphis, Tenn. A. E. SCOTT, 6th Gen. Vice-President, Box 2012, Winnipeg, Man., Can.

the amendment of the laws governing referendum elections.

The unreasonable number of candidates nominated for delegates to conventions is confusing to the voting member and so scatters the vote that even the members chosen to serve receive a small percentage of the total vote cast. Every member has the right to run for any position for which he is nominated, but there should be a reasonable limit to the number of names on the ballot.

The election should be held on one of two specified consecutive days-Saturday and Sunday-in the month of September. Returns should be in the mails within fortyeight hours from the closing of the polls and the Election Board commence its work one week later. The objections to the existing method of appointing this Board would be overcome if its five members were elected by five local unions (each local electing one) taken in rotation from a stated number selected by one General Assembly to furnish canvassing committees until the next General Assembly-no member of the Board to come from a local union having a candidate in the field.

The reporting committee found irregularities and indications of fraud similar to those reported by the committee that canvassed the vote in the election to fill the vacancy in the Third General Vice-Presdency and makes the same recommendations-"that some means be devised by which a stricter supervision of elections can be had."

If confidence in the Referendum system is to be maintained-to be restored would perhaps be more correct-there must be positive assurance that the returns made are a true report of the votes of the members present and voting in elections. Swelling of the vote cannot be tolerated. The election officers of any union found guilty of this practice should be subject to severe penalties-forfeiture of membership would not be too drastic a punishment for violation of the sacredness of the ballot.

A previous committee recommended that the local election boards be required to make affidavit to the accuracy and regularity of the returns, but this would not effect the desired end. Men who will perjure themselves by affirming the truth of falsified returns will not hesitate to swear to the accuracy of the same untruths.

Every time a padded vote "gets by," a repetition of the fraud is invited. The of fending local is hardened in its dishonesty

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