way in which the different elements work together. The Socialist Party helps the trade unions, and the unions help the Socialist Party, and both party and unions help the growth of co-operative societies. Yet no organization attempts to dictate the policies of the others. The Socialist Party is expected to work out the tactics that will best meet the needs of the workers on the political field, while the trade unions are expected to work out the form of organization that will best meet the needs of the workers on the economic field. Within the party some of the members emphasize the ultimate aim-the complete abolition of the capitalist system of production and profit, and the substitution therefor of a Socialist

ods of of organization, it is everywhere recognized that the political problems should be settled by the political organization and the economic problems by the economic organization. In this way the German workers have avoided much of the misunderstanding and friction which has arisen between the trade unions and the Socialist Party in America where some of the members of each organization feel that it is their special mission to criticize the methods and tactics of the other and to tell it how to run its affairs. Moreover, within their respective organizations, although the individual Socialists and trade unionists do not hesitate to express their opinions as to policies and tactics, they very rarely indulge

in attacks on personalities. They discuss the issues and principles at stake, and consider them on their merits.

Trade Union Organization.

The German trade unions are of three main types: the "free" unions, which are composed chiefly of socialists, and which work hand in hand with the Socialist Party; the Christian unions, which are composed chiefly of Roman Catholics and are largely controlled by the Catholic Church; and the Hirsch-Duncker unións, which maintain an independent position. The "free" unions are by far the most important, having 2,276,000 members, while all the other

Socialist Member of the Reichstag and the Foremost Statesman in Germany

unions combined have less than 500,000 members. The "free" unions lead, moreover, not only in their membership but likewise in their intelligent and aggressive tactics for the improvement of the condition of the workers.

The "free" unions are united in a federation with powers and duties much like those of the American Federation of Labor. This federation holds national conventions every three years and endeavors to promote united and effective action among trade unionists in all parts of the country. The head of this federation, Carl Legien, is also a Socialist member of the Reichstag,

In Germany, as in America, the chief powers of action lie in the hands of the var

ious national trade organizations affiliated with the federation. The most powerful of these is the Metal Workers' Union which has over 500,000 members. It includes within its ranks almost all kinds of metal workers and is a good example of the general tendency to consolidate the various craft unions into larger and more powerful industrial unions. The progress toward industrial unionism in Germany, however, is taking place not according to any cut and dried plan, but in accordance with practical experience and the general evolution of industry.

Although the employers in the metal trades, building trades, shipbuilding, and mining industries are very strongly organized, and have fought the unions flercely -sometimes resorting to national lockouts -yet the unions have more than held their own in most cases, and have succeeded in increasing wages and reducing the hours of labor. Probably the chief reason for union success in the face of these vigorous attacks by the employers is the class solidarity of the German workers. For years and years the Socialists and trade unionists have taught their members to be loyal not only to the workers of their own craft,

but to the workers of all crafts and industries. Consequently the German workers are class conscious and stand together solidly in all their struggles.

Another reason for the success of the German labor movement is the emphasis placed upon education. Nearly every union has its weekly or monthly magazine which is sent to all the members. The Metal Workers' Journal, for example, has a weekly circulation of over 500,000, and it is splendidly edited in every particular. The various national unions, and the local and national federations carefully prepare

bers, reading rooms, employment offices, etc. They are truly the headquarters of the workers in all large cities, and undoubtedly have contributed much to the progress and stability of their organizations. Co-operative Organizations.

While the trade unions are striving to raise wages and improve working conditions, the, co-operative societies are serving the workers by keeping down the cost of living (since they are not run for profit) and by furnishing pure and unadulterated products. At the present time, the workers' co-operative societies of Germany have

annual reports which are distributed widespread among the members. Many of the unions also have splendid circulating libraries, and give lecture courses on economics, sociology, history, etc., for the education of their members.

In most of the large cities, such as Hamburg, Berlin, Dresden, Leipsic, Dusseldorf and Cologne, the trade unions in conjunction with the Socialists, have erected magnificent labor temples. As is shown by the accompanying photographs, these buildings are large enough to provide office headquarters for all the local unions and the Socialist Party, several meeting halls, large and small, theatres, restaurants, sleeping rooms for the traveling mem

over 1,150,000 members, and they own and operate 3,545 stores, which do a total annual business of $180,000,000. These societies produce in their own factories, bakeries, etc., over $16,000,000 worth of goods, and employ in their stores and factories over 19,000 workers under the best trade union conditions. Thus they not only benefit the workers directly by furnishing them superior goods at low prices, but also they are demonstrating the power of the workers themselves to conduct large business establishments successfully in the face of sharp capitalist competition.

The Socialist Party.

Just as it is necessary for the workers to have their own independent economic

organizations to protect their interests on the industrial field, the German workers see that it is equally necessary to have their own political organization to promote their interests on the political field. They know that it is no more possible for a political party to represent the interests of both the capitalists and the workers at the same time than it would be for a trade union to represent the interests of both the capitalists and the workers at the same time. Hence the workers of Germany have their own political party-the Socialist Party. This party has 836,000 dues-paying members, 107,000 of them being women. At the general election held in 1907 it polled 3,251,000 votes. The party is the strongest single

agencies. Most of the Socialist dailies have weekly literary and scientific supplements which keep their readers in touch with all phases of world progress. In addition to these daily newspapers, the Party publishes special magazines for women and children, humorous and scientific weeklies, and even a quarterly magazine in raised point type for the blind.

On special occasions throughout the year, especially at campaign times, leaflets are distributed from house to house in enormous numbers. It is not unusual to distribute 1,250,000 leaflets in the city of Berlin alone within a few hours. In addition to such leaflets, more substantial literature in the form of pamphlets and books

party in the empire, although it polls only about forty per cent of all the votes cast.

While never losing sight of its ultimate aim to transform the capitalist industrial system of Germany into a true industrial democracy for the workers, the Socialist Party has at all times championed the cause of the working class in connection with all kinds of political, social and economic legislation. Even its opponents concede that the Socialist Party is chiefly responsible for the workingmen's insurance legislation, as well as the laws to protect the workers in factories, mines, mills and shops.

The Socialist Party, like the trade unions, is carrying on a continuous campaign of education among the workers. It owns eighty-one daily newspapers which wield a tremendous influence. The workers of Germany do not find it necessary to gain their knowledge of current events through the poisoned channels of capitalistic press

is published by the Socialists in their own establishments and sold in enormous quant

ities.

The Party aims to provide scientific and literary lecture courses for the workers in all sections of the country, to give them the best dramas and music, and in every other way to see that the working class is educated and developed. The motto of the Socialist and trade union movement of Germany might well be, "the best is none too good for the working class." And in this "working class," let it be emphasized, the women are included as well as the men. The German labor movement, like every progressive labor movement, stands for equal rights for women. In the Metal Workers' Union alone, for example, there are over 25,000 women. These women enjoy equal rights with the men just the same as they do in the Socialist Party.

Power and Progress.

The great and lasting impression that one gets of the German working class is that it is demonstrating by its achievements its right and power to supplant the present ruling class. It is building up the most perfect political and economic organization of the masses that the world has ever seen; it is steadily raising the standard of living and the standard of education and culture among the mass of the people; it is producing a splendid self-reliant

citizenship with strong character and high ideals. No one who has been on the ground can have the slightest doubt that the workers of Germany are going to win in their great struggle to establish an industrial and social democracy. They are going to win because they are practical idealists working in harmony with the laws of social evolution; because they combine dogged determination and courage with splendid selfcontrol, and because they unite high-grade intelligence with thorough political and economic organization.

E LIVE in honest times. The exposures that ring through the land are a sign that we are better, not worse, than we were. If we are a little sad that things are not altogether as we imagined them; if great names are tarnished and old boasts hollow we have today the prouder boast that we have seen the truth about ourselves face to face, and have not shirked.

From policemen to presidents, from aldermen to senators, there has been no office so exalted that we have spared it the daylight. One institution alone has escaped. One institution alone we have believed infallible. Judges alone have we treated as if they were lifted above human frailty. Only the judiciary have we veiled in mystery and approached with awe.

But while we have been giving to judges a reverence that men once gave to kings, the forces that corrupt every other branch of public life have been no more reverent to judges than to alderman. While we worshiped they corrupted.

"The Interests have retreated into the courts," said a statesman who died recently after a lifetime of fighting for the people. "Beaten in legislatures, councils, and executive offices, they are going to make their last stand behind the judiciary."

I shall prove that when the highest courts of certain states have rendered their final decisions, in some cases unanimously, powerful political leaders, such as Foraker in Ohio and Quay in Pennsylvania; and powerful political bosses, such as Cox in

Ohio, Clardy in Missouri, Herrin in California, Evans and the Guggenheim interests in Colorado, have, either in person or by attorney, made their entrance into court; and that thereupon the judges, like puppets at the end of a string, have in matters of vital importance turned complete and undignified somersaults, reversing their previous decisions.

I shall show that courts have been packed in order to render decisions favorable to certain corporations-not once, but so often that the resulting danger has become too great to ignore.

I shall prove that judicial opinions of our highest courts have been written in the offices of legal departments of railroads and other corporations.

I shall show federal judges so corrupt that long since their impeachment should have been called for-if that were not an impotent and hopeless remedy. I shall show them using the power of their great office to loot prosperous concerns to the financial advantage of judicial rings. I shall show them constantly hearing the cases of corporations in which their sons and nephews hold salaried positions.

I shall picture a parade of ten thousand citizens made in protest of decisions as dangerous to liberty as were the judgments of Jeffreys; lawyers gray in the service of courts addressing mobs and denouncing judicial decisions; a judge sitting in judg ment who himself is under indictment for embezzlement; judges who, having written the law, have as citizens asked the same court to reverse these decisions; judges, re