truth were known, in order to hold them as hostages in the event of Allied intervention. On this occasion he created a sensation by appearing before the aged American Ambassador with his revolver strapped to his side. Delicacy, however, is scarcely Radek's forte. His attempt to cajole, threaten, and finally intimidate the Allied envoys resulted in failure, but his journey provided him with fresh satire for his pen, and in a malicious and highly colored account of his "voyage into Arcadia," he poked fun to his heart's content at the somewhat undignified situation of the Allied embassies in a little country town far removed from the heart of things political.

In politics Radek is hot-headed and impulsive, and it is probably not wrong to presume that he frequently chafes at the restraint which is sometimes placed on his activities by his more cautious colleagues. As a propaganda agent, however, he is probably unrivaled. Few men are more skilled in the art of suppressio veri and suggestio falsi, and the very accusations which he hurls at the head of all bourgeois governments might be used, at least equally well, against his own conduct.

A delegate of the Zimmerwald Conference, Radek, nevertheless, was one of those Bolshevists who voted for war at the time of the ratification of the Brest Treaty. Although he is an advocate of extreme measures and supports that section of his party which has been guilty of the worst excesses, Radek was not in favor of the wholesale hole-in-the-corner executions which have been carried out by the extraordinary Commissions. His attitude in this matter was assuredly not inspired by any humanitarian instincts, but was influenced purely by reasons of policy and of class interest. Instead of these mysterious executions in the dark, he proposed a form of terror which should appeal more strongly to the proletariat and which should have for its object the starving and cowing of the bourgeoisie into submission. He propounded his views in a series of articles and speeches in which he declared that "in the winter no bourgeois should have an overcoat until every member of the proletariat had been provided for," and that "everything should be taken away from the bourgeoisie in order that the Red Army might be well fed, well clothed, and well shod." In this point of view he was supported by Lenin.

Starting his career in Russia with considerable disadvantages as an Austrian subject whose knowledge of Russian was far from perfect, Radek has gradually increased his prestige among his colleagues until today he stands as one of the

most powerful influences inside the Bolshevist party. His present activities should be closely watched, for if, as seems true, he has been released from prison in Berlin, he will undoubtedly play an important part in the further development of the Spartacist movement in Germany. He is one of the few Bolshevists who ever provide Lenin with an original idea.

The following three have been added by an American student of Russia.

WILLIAM SHATOV

The terror of Petrograd and one of the most bloodthirsty officials of the Extraordinary Commission for the Petrograd District, William Shatov, is one of the group of Russian immigrants in America who returned to Russia after the revolution of March, 1917, and have played so important a role in the Bolshevist régime. He was a typesetter in New York; he is one of the props of the Lenin-Trotsky régime in Russia.

Shatov came to America soon after the Revolution of 1905 as a very young man. He was a fugitive from the Russian Imperial police, but the reason for his hasty flight from Russia was not political. During the Revolution he was a student at the Kiev University. His offense consisted in committing rape, for which he was ordered arrested, but he succeeded in leaving the country and coming to America. His real name is not Shatov, which name he assumed upon coming to this country in order to escape possible recognition and extradition as a criminal offender.

Shatov's career in America was at first confined mostly to New York. Here he worked as a common laborer, never, however, staying very long at one place. In 1910 he came to work at the printing office of a small Russian paper, the Russky Golos. In the course of the next few months he learned how to operate a linotype machine and became a typesetter. He remained in this trade for several years, being later employed in the printing shop of the Russkoye Slovo. From this latter place he was finally discharged for constant drunkenness and particularly because, working on a night shift, he used to hold regular orgies in the shop. During the time of his work as a typesetter, Shatov became very much interested in the theories of Anarchism and in the I. W. W. movement. After he lost his position, he quickly drifted into an active participation in both of

these movements and became very closely associated with Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. He also did a great deal of organization work for the I. W. W. all over the country, being arrested on several occasions in Detroit and elsewhere.

When the Revolution broke out, he joined forces with Trotsky, who at that time was editor of the Novy Mir in New York, in agitating among the Russians here against the Provisional Government. He followed Trotsky to Russia, his passage, just as in the case of Trotsky, being paid by the Russian consulate in New York, which had instructions from Milyukoff to advance passage money to all revolutionary refugees in America. Shatov, always posing as a political refugee, also obtained his passage money in the

same way.

In Russia, immediately upon his arrival, he became affiliated with Lenin and his crowd, took part in all the Bolshevist rebellions and attempts at the seizure of the government, and after the Bolshevist revolution, became one of the important men of the régime. He has held the posts of Commissary for the Petrograd railways; special Commissary for Ukraina after its occupation by the Bolsheviki in the spring of 1919; the Chief of the Petrograd Militia and Chief of Police; the Vice-Chairman of the Petrograd Chrezvychaika, i.e., the Extraordinary Commission for Combatting Counter-Revolution. It was in the latter position that Shatov had distinguished himself for his cruelty, while as Chief of Police he set a new high record of grafting and official corruption.

He is still a comparatively young man. While a man of quick wit and very considerable ability both as an organizer and a writer, Shatov has in his face every indication of criminal degeneracy. A hopeless drunkard, a sexual pervert, this man is eminently fitted for the task of torture and oppression in which he revels now. His case is the best illustration of the undisputed fact that the whole Bolshevist régime is led mostly by criminals or criminal degenerates.

GEORGE KRASIN

George Krasin (also spelt Krassin), the Commissar of Trade and Industry, is undoubtedly the ablest man in the Bolshevik Government from the standpoint of practical business. He was born in the Province of Tobolsk and attended school at Tiumen. Later he entered the St. Petersburg Technological Institute and received an excellent

education as an engineer. During the period of his university education, he was known as a Socialist and had affiliations with the Revolutionary party, but for the most part avoided serious trouble with the authorities, although his brother fell into their hands and suffered several terms of imprisonment.

He later went to Germany, presumably taking refuge there because of his political views, and quickly showed ability as an engineer in the field of industry.

After the Revolution of 1905 he returned to Russia and became the representative of German interests there, especially those of Siemens & Halske, the great German electrical company. His ability was recognized in Russian financial and industrial circles, and during the war he managed a great munition factory and made a combination of two great Russian companies under the leadership of the Russo-Asiatic Bank.

While it is undoubtedly true that he was always in theory a Socialist, he was considered by his associates as a brilliant industrial organizer and enjoyed their friendship and esteem. It is not quite clear how he arrived at his present position or exactly what is his relation to the convicted Bolshevik theorists. He is known as extremely pro-German and it is possible that he owes his present position to German influence. Last summer he spent some time in Berlin and it is believed that he has made extensive arrangements for the participation of Germans in Russian industry and trade. In spite of his radical affiliations, it is hardly possible that he is a believer in the Bolshevik economic program. It is more likely that he is applying his knowledge and abilities to modifications of that program in the direction of organization of production with the aid of German specialists.

MAXIM LITVINOV

Maxim Litvinov, who is now prominent as Assistant Commissar of Foreign Affairs and as the chief Bolshevik representative abroad, has been negotiating at Dorpat and at Copenhagen, is a Jew, born in Bielostok in 1876. His real name is Meyer Wallach. In 1901 he got into difficulties with the authorities in connection with the revolutionary printing office in Kiev and the circulation of pamphlets of the Social Democratic Party. For this he was imprisoned at Kiev and sentenced to exile to Eastern Siberia, but in the following year escaped from prison and got out of the country. In 1906

he was commissioned by the party to purchase arms abroad. A little later he returned and lived in Petrograd on a German passport, under the name of Gustave Graf. In the summer of 1906, he took part in a train robbery near Tiflis, in which a lot of money was stolen from a Government express. During the war, he spent some time as a German spy in England. He is clever in address and shows considerable dialectical ability in setting forth Bolshevik theory and in explaining Bolshevik international policy.