When the world is going well with him, he can be very affable and, indeed, is not without a certain charm of manner. In this way he has been able at times to make a favorable first impression upon foreigners, one American in a fit of exuberation once describing him as "the greatest Jew since Christ." These impressions, however, do not stand the test of time. Behind those fierce black eyes lurks ever the demon of suspicion and mistrust. It is this ever-present fear of treachery which inspires the terrible, pitiless cruelty of which he has been guilty. It was probably after much hesitation and with some misgivings that Trotsky finally threw in his lot with the Bolshevists. Today, however, he knows that he has crossed a Rubicon to which there is no returning. More conscious of, less indifferent too, than Lenin to the fate that awaits him in the event of failure, he is prepared to sell his life dearly and to shrink before nothing in his attempt to carry Bolshevism by fair means or foul into the four corners of Europe.

3. SOME COMMISSARIES

One of the most curious features of the Bolshevist movement is the high percentage of non-Russian elements among its leaders.

Of the twenty or thirty commissaries or leaders who provide the central machinery of the Bolshevist movement not less than seventy-five per cent. are Jews. Karachan is an Armenian. Peters, the head of the Moscow Extraordinary Commission, and Vatseitis, the Commander-in-Chief, are Letts. Only Lenin, Bucharin, Petrovsky, Tchitcherin, Lunacharsky, and Krilenko are Russians. Of these Lenin is a law unto himself, Bucharin is an independent with independent views, and an independent attitude inside the party, Krilenko is a degenerate, while Tchitcherin and Lunacharsky are to be regarded rather as sentimental and somewhat feeble-minded visionaries than as active revolutionaries.

If Lenin is the brains of the movement, the Jews provide the executive officers. Of the leading commissaries, Trotsky, Zinovieff, Kameneff, Stekloff, Sverdloff, Uritsky, Joffe, Rakovsky, Radek, Menjinsky, Larin, Bronski, Zaalkind, Velodarsky, Petroff, Litvinoff, Smidovitch, and Vorovsky are all of the Jewish race, while among the minor Soviet officials the number is legion. Of all the Bolshevist leaders, Petrovsky, the Commissary for the Interior, and a former member of the Duma, is practically the only one who can in any way be described as a workingman. The rest are all intellectuals of bourgeois or petty bourgeois origin.

ZINOVIEFF

If the gulf between Lenin and Trotsky is a wide one, there is little to choose, with regard to general ability and influence, between Trotsky and Zinovieff. Trotsky, it is true, is generally regarded both in Russia and outside it as the second man in the Bolshevist party and the probable successor of Lenin. Trotsky, too, it was, who was summoned from the front last August after the attempt on Lenin's life, to take charge of the Bolshevist rudder of state. And yet it may be doubted whether the impetuous Commissary for War has as great an influence with Lenin as the more logical and strictly "Bolshevist" Zinovieff, who during many years of exile has been Lenin's closest friend and inseparable companion.

Ovsei Gershon Apfelbaum, alias Zinovieff, Radomyslsky, Shatsky, Grigorieff, was born in the Ukraine in 1883. In his early youth he came under Lenin's influence, and has remained under it ever since. Like nearly all the genuine Bolshevist leaders, he suffered imprisonment during the days of the old régime, and after his release was forced to flee abroad. During the ten years immediately preceding the war he was one of the most active members of the Bolshevist Central Committee, and for some years was secretary of the party. At the beginning of the war he was with Lenin in Galicia, and took a firm stand beside his chief in his wholesale denunciation of militarism and of the war aims of both sets of belligerents. From 1914 until the March Revolution he edited with Lenin the Social-Democrat, a paper published in Switzerland and devoted mainly to a sweeping condemnation of those Socialists who supported the war or who made no active resistance to it. With Lenin, too, he represented Russia at the Zimmerwald, Berne, and Quintal conferences.

When in March of last year the Bolshevist Government withdrew to Moscow, Zinovieff remained in Petrograd as President of the Northern Commune.

Of short stature, broad-shouldered, clean-shaven, with firm mouth, cold, calculating eyes, abnormally large head and high forehead Zinovieff certainly gives one the impression of a man of intellect. It is a cruel face, but one feels instinctively that it is the face of a man of reflective, logical cruelty rather than of the passionate nature of a Trotsky. A fine orator, Zinovieff has something of the dialectical brilliance of Lenin. He has, however, few original ideas, and must be regarded chiefly as a phonograph of his master. He is a bitter enemy of the English, and during the past three months has been trying to instil into the minds of the workmen of Petrograd

a passionate hatred for England as "the country which can never be reconciled to Russia." As virtual dictator of Petrograd, he is responsible for the savage cruelties and murders which have been committed in Petrograd in the name of the Revolution. Perhaps the frequent panics which the “advance post" of Bolshevism has experienced during the past year have affected his nerves. At any rate, the terror has been very much worse in Petrograd than in Moscow.

SVERDLOFF

Of the same bitter, implacable type is Sverdloff, the President of the All-Russian Executive Committee, whose death was recently reported in the Bolshevist wireless. Born in 1885 at Nijni-Novgorod, and like Trotsky the son of a chemist and a Jew, Sverdloff, after the usual gymnasium education, began his own career in a chemist's shop. When only seventeen, however, he was sentenced to two weeks' imprisonment for taking part in a demonstratiɔn at a student's funeral, and for the next ten years his life was one long round of imprisonment and collisions with the police.

With coal-black hair, fierce eyebrows, piercing eyes, and black mustache and pointed beard, Sverdloff is a striking figure, somewhat after the manner of a Spanish Inquisitor. Not lacking in courage, he makes an efficient chairman at the various meetings of the Central Executive Committee or the All-Russian Congress of Soviets. While Lenin is President of the Council of People's Commissaries, or Prime Minister, Sverdloff's position corresponds more or less to that of president of the republic. He it was who received Count Mirbach when the German representative came to present his credentials to the Moscow Government. He was greeted by Sverdloff "as the representative of the nation with whom we signed the Treaty of Brest."

KRILENKO

It would be unfair both to Sverdloff and to Zinovieff to include Krilenko in the same classification. And yet Krilenko's portrait is given next in order, not so much because of its resemblance to the preceding types, but because it affords a striking example of the depths to which the mind, soured against society, can sink in its contorted perversion.

Krilenko, the ex-Commander-in-Chief, the author of the notorious fraternizing order which finally destroyed the Russian Army, the inspirer of the murder of Dukhonin, has be

come today Krilenko the Blood-sucker, Krilenko the Bolshevist Public Prosecutor. Of all Bolshevist types this is assuredly the most degenerate and the most perverted. Indeed, it may reasonably be doubted whether Krilenko is in reality quite sane. Even in crime it would be a compliment to compare him to Marat, and yet in his thirst for blood and in his hysterical shrieking for the death sentence he is as insatiable as a drug fiend in his craving for cocaine or morphia. And yet this is a man who has received a university education and who has practiced as a lawyer. Still a comparatively young man, his heavily lined face bears all the marks of early degeneration. Famous since his student days as a demagogic orator, Krilenko today employs all his talents in exciting and inflaming the blood lust of the mob. The rumors which appeared in the English press regarding his capture and death at the hands of the Cossacks appear now to be untrue. The latest news from Russia states that he is still alive and still exercising his nefarious powers as Public Prosecutor.

BUCHARIN AND KAMENEFF

One of the most interesting Bolshevist types, in that he is not a mere mouthpiece of Lenin, is Bucharin. The son of a court official and a man of good education, Bucharin has maintained an independent position inside the Bolshevist party without ever taking any responsible office. He was the chief Bolshevist opponent of the Brest Treaty, and has written several good pamphlets on the Bolshevist movement. One of these is his notorious Program of the Communists, a book which reveals with almost brutal nakedness the real aims and aspirations of the Bolshevists. Still under forty, of small stature but of great personal courage, he is theoretically more extreme and more doctrinaire in his ideas than Lenin. He is, moreover, the one Bolshevist who is not afraid to criticise Lenin or to cross swords with him in a dialectical duel.

As far as pure intellect is concerned, Kameneff must rank after Lenin as one of the chief intellectual forces of the movement. Only thirty-six years old, with his black mustache and beard Kameneff looks very much older than his age. Like the majority of his colleagues, he is a Jew, his real name being Rosenfeldt. He was born of rich parents, and under the old régime was a "hereditary honorary burgher." A graduate of Moscow University, he acquired his Socialistic tendencies during his student days, and like many Russian students came into collision with the police before his twen

tieth year. He was a member of the first Brest delegation, and has written a book on this much-discussed treaty. After the Brest peace he was appointed Bolshevist Ambassador to Vienna, but was unable to proceed to his post owing to his arrest by the Finns, who kept him in prison until last July. Today he fills an important rôle as President of the Moscow Soviet. He is a man of theories rather than a man of blood, and is more moderate in his views than the majority of his colleagues.

LUNACHARSKY THE VISIONARY

A type very different from any of the preceding is represented by Lunacharsky. This man is a Russian of good family and the son of a State Councillor. Tall, with slightly drooping shoulders, silky beard and mustache, and pince-nez, he is a man of mild appearance, mild manners, and soft speech. He radiates mildness and softness, and he dabbles in Bolshevism as he dabbles in art. He is essentially the amiable visionary, the Bolshevist crank, the Bolshevist educationist. While no one could possibly be afraid of Lunacharsky as a revolutionary force, there is no doubt that this revolutionary idealist is of considerable service to the Bolshevists as a propaganda agent. He is at the head of the Bolshevist Department of Education, and in this position he has been responsible for a number of decrees, many of them admirable in theory, for the free education of the whole people. In reality these reforms exist only on paper, all education having broken down under the oppression of a régime which in spite of all Bolshevist inducements has alienated the sympathies of that hitherto most revolutionary body, the Union of Russian Teachers.

Lunacharsky, however, has been instrumental in bringing back Gorki, if not as a Bolshevist sheep, at least into the Bolshevist fold. Gorki now directs a Bureau of Literature in Petrograd, where talented but starving members of the aristocracy and the intelligentsia are engaged in translating William Morris and Ruskin for the edification of the proletariat.

Lunacharsky, too, has been useful to the Bolshevists in another respect. When it was found that the Bolshevist persecution of the Church was creating a bad impression among the workmen and the peasants, Lunacharsky, as an original adherent to the Orthodox faith, was called upon to pour oil upon the troubled waters and to start a "Bolshevising" movement inside the Church itself. In the autumn of last year he engaged, therefore, in a number of public "disputes" with the more liberal priests of the Orthodox Church, at