there will be issued: One-half pound of wheat bread instead of rye to the first and second categories; one-eighth pound to the third category.

One-half pound of wheat bread will be issued on labor cards, irrespective of the amount of work done, on the April 30 coupon, together with the bread that would be issued for work done April 30.

In addition, on the account of the first half of the month of May, the following products will be issued:

Children, pupils in schools, hospitals, asylums, and similar institutions will receive also white bread instead of black for May 1, according to the norms established.

XII

REPORT OF AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE, FROM FINLAND,
JUNE 25, 1919

The fall of Bolshevism, which seemed inevitable even two months ago, has created the wildest terrorism. People are executed without trial in masses on mere suspicion of sympathy with the Soviet's enemies. Agitation is growing abroad, created chiefly by Russian Jews and others who are interested in a prolongation of the Bolshevist régime and against the aims of Generals Kolchak, Yudenich, and Denikin, who are denounced as representing the supporters of czarism. The attempt is made also to convince foreigners that improvements are going on in Soviet Russia, with an ardor which would seem to indicate the hopelessness of the situation.

Some American journalists, received and well treated by the Bolsheviks, also have reported favorably. The Russians who are opposed to the Soviet Government naturally believe these to be bribed. I think this unlikely. I have seen a number of them and it is my belief that their conclusions are due rather to pre

possessed ideas and to ignorance of real conditions and unfamiliarity with the language.

It is my own strong conviction that even the dark elements are by now disillusioned. The bulk of the workmen and the peasants, to whom so much has been promised, are disgusted. The increasing support which the Bolsheviks found in 1917 has gradually disappeared. Reliable opinion counts not more than 160,000 Communists by conviction, and these are mostly young workmen.

Terror and necessity compel work for the Soviet Government, but this work is much encumbered by theory, inexperience, and corruption. The continued existence of Soviet Russia is largely due to enormous stocks accumulated during the war. Even now colossal quantities of cotton goods exist, which they do not know how to distribute. This inability to produce any practical achievements has resulted, politically, in an outspoken change. The idea of a great Russian Republic has faded and the general wish is rather for a strong constitutional monarchy.

The peasants I have recently seen deny emphatically the existence of support (for the Bolsheviks) in the villages, stating that the few Communists to be found in some villages are known to be loafers.

It is my opinion that not I per cent of Soviet Russia's population will be against intervention from whichever side it may come; Kolchak or any other power will be welcomed. There will be a slaughtering of Bolsheviks as soon as the deliverers are near the centers and the Red Terror ceases to be feared, but terror, hunger, and disease have temporarily created apathy.

Finland loathes Bolshevism, fears a czar government, but wishes to be on good terms with a new strong Russia. I believe the same applies to the Baltic Provinces.

As to the Tartars of Siberia and Kazan I have not the slightest doubt that these (about 16,000,000 Mohammedans) will as a whole side with Kolchak against the Bolsheviks. This is confirmed by their representative, Mr. S. Maksoudov, now in Paris, who personally gave me his report of March 25, which was cabled in full to Paris.

Many Russian Jews have by their activity with the Bolsheviks strongly compromised that section of the population and "pogroms" of great magnitude, I fear, are to be anticipated.

The strength of the Bolsheviks lies in their organization. Terror, combined with most elaborate espionage at home and propaganda in and behind the ranks of the enemy, makes them still a formidable force.

XIII

REPORT OF AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE OF STATEMENTS FROM A PERSONAL FRIEND WHO HAD ESCAPED FROM

SOVIET RUSSIA, OF JULY 2, 1919

Terror is daily increasing and people are shot not only for agitation against the Soviet Government or for any other accusation; the non-belonging to the Soviet service or relatives being abroad or the possibility of intending to join a new government are sufficient reasons for execution. For instance: Bakharev was shot because he was not serving the Soviet and his wife had gone abroad. He was a young officer who lived in Chernigov with the parents of his wife and his mother went to Moscow. When in August, 1918, all officers had to be registered, he could not appear, living in the Ukraine. His old mother was then arrested in Moscow. Hearing this he managed to go to Moscow and see the commandant. He was immediately arrested and his mother remained one and one-half months longer in prison. The judgment against Bakharev was the following: "Is not in Soviet service, lived in the Ukraine, appeared only after arrest of his mother. To be considered a White Guardist and to be shot." The cook serving at the Extraordinary Commission, where Bakharev and many thousands have been shot, related afterwards that serious differences arose between the so-called "commissaries of death" as to whom Bakharev's clothes should belong. Bakharev was very well dressed, and it is usual that what the delinquent wears belongs to the commissary of death carrying out the sentence. When Bakharev was brought to the room of "souls" where prisoners were taken for final questions and for taking away of any valuables, the commissaries of death, noticing his fine clothes, began to quarrel as to who should execute. After long disputes and quarreling they decided to toss; the winner then hastened to carry out the sentence on this unfortunate Bakharev.

The officer Kamensky was executed on the supposition of the commissary that he was expecting a change of Government to which he might be useful; and people dangerous to the Soviet power must be shot.

Beginning from the middle of April terror increased, people were shot on suspicion of being in sympathy with Kolchak or the Allies. After the decree of Lenin concerning the cleaning out of all counter-revolutionists in the rear, on account of the danger from Kolchak and others, besides executions, many have been taken as hostages. The names of only a small percentage of those shot are published. When I was two and one-half months in prison at the Extraordinary Commission I had occasion to notice that of 36 shot 7 names were published, and another time of 58 persons II; on other instances (executions are going on nearly every night) either the names are not published at all or only very few, and the names of thieves and other criminals are always mentioned.

Many people were shot by mistake, especially in August and September, 1918. Officer A. Leite, who was in prison from July, 1918, till February, 1919, told me that from the day of the attempt on Lenin's life 80 to 100 persons were shot daily, of which on an average 60 per cent were officers and former policemen, 20 per cent bourgeois, and 20 per cent workmen belonging to the Right Socialist-Revolutionary or to the Menshevist Party. Mistakes were made due to the arrests of persons having the same name, not much attention being given to the first names. Often men were shot at night and called up for judgment or release the following day. For belonging to the Socialist-Revolutionaries the president of the Trade Union of Workmen in Smolensk was arrested and shot. But his trial was the next morn; ing. When called up the chief jailer declared that prisoner was sent to the "staff of souls."

In the house where I lived a man called Lvov died of smallpox. His corpse was sent to the cemetery and remained there with several hundred others, unburied for three weeks, although the widow asked several times to be allowed to inter her husband. It was refused and all were buried in one big grave.

A workman, Polianker, receiving 800 rubles a month, was not able to supply his family with sufficient food. His wife was unable to work and had to look after the children. Friends helped with 200 to 500 rubles a month; still they remained hungry. He

could not stand to see their sufferings and killed them all and himself.

The administrator of my houses received from the Soviet Government 400 rubles a month; I gave him 300 and besides he earned another 700. Still he could not find sufficient food for his only daughter, and committed suicide.

A wealthy house owner, Mrs. I. Shaposnikov, committed suicide, leaving a note saying: "Hunger and cold forced me to do this."

The president of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission, Dzerzhinsky, appeared last New Year's Eve in our prison and commenced asking all the reason of their imprisonment. Most declared that they were absolutely ignorant why they were arrested. I was next to Col. Fraise. When Dzerzhinsky asked him, and the colonel knew only English and French, whilst Dzerzhinsky only Russian and German, I had to translate in French. The colonel's exhausted condition induced me to transmit only part of Dzerzhinsky's talk; I did not wish to increase his sufferings. No wonder he was exhausted. Long imprisonment and bad food were sufficient reasons. Our rations were: Morning, one-eighth to one-fourth pound of bread and one teaspoonful of sugar; at noon, very small amount of bad fish. Nothing more, only after the second half of December we received at 4 o'clock a second portion of fish. That is how prisoners are kept for several months in the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission. In the regular prison food was slightly better. We received I pound of bread and twice, at 12 o'clock and 4 o'clock, the same fish and some sort of porridge, consisting chiefly of water. Still all prisoners want to be transferred to the regular prison in order not to hear the nightly shooting at the Extraordinary Commission.

Espionage and provocation are developed to highest perfection. Agents of the Extraordinary Commission are everywhere— in all departments, railroad carriages, streets and private houses. A. Hoelzke, with family and several friends, was arrested and remained one and one-half months in prison for expressing the opinion that the Bolsheviks would scarcely be able to collect the extraordinary taxes, as they were too high. I. Lopatin was arrested because he said in his home that he did not believe the Allies would recognize the Bolsheviks. His servant denounced him and he sat two months.