As is well known, the New York convention of the American Federation of Labor decided to again make an effort to introduce and extend the eight-hour work day to a larger number of our fellow-workers, with the view of finally making that time limit of the day's work a universal shibboleth of victory for the workers of our land. It seems to us that the time has passed when it is necessary to argue in favor of the introduction of the eight-hour work day. It is doubtful whether any really informed person would attempt to argue against the proposition for the shorter work day. The invention of machinery, the introduction of new forces to the application of wealth produc

tion, the division and sub-division of labor, the organization of corporation with corpora tion, all rendering the productivity of the employed laborer so great as to be the marvel of the age; the enervating influences that close application and working the nerves up to the fullest tension to keep with the ever increasing velocity of labor by machinery has entailed upon the workers, the large number of unemployed yet willing workers, appeal alike to the thinking, earnest people to find a solution to this great problem of the day.

While we have no desire to cavil with the theorists of other schools of economic thought, there can be no question in the minds of any one but that a reduction in the hours of labor of the workers is demanded upon economic, social and moral grounds, is demanded to-day and cannot be put off to some day in the "sweet by and by."

Of course, we cannot say what degree of success will attend the general movement this year as the result of the decision arrived at, but we are confident that efforts will be made by our fellow-workers in many localities; and the only question now is whether some of our national or international unions which have passed through so crucial a test as that of the recent industrial crisis will be in a position to make a demand all along the line.

We shall ascertain soon the spirit prevailing in the organizations to make this effort and their readiness to lead in the movement; their willingness to be selected by the executive council of the American Federation of Labor, to make the demand, and, if necessary, to stand for its enforcement.

But be the result at this moment what it may, there can be no question but what the history of successes in the labor movement of the past decades are on the side of the workers; that, as they organize in masses in their respective trades and federate with their fellow-workers of other trades, the day of less hours of toil, with its humane results of relieving the burdens of the overworked and creating employment for the workless, will have received a great momentum, and the day for its successful enforcement will soon be realized.

The shorter work day will give the toilers millions of hours of golden opportunities for physical, mental and moral improvement; these, with better homes, better lives, resulting from higher wages, giving an impetus to production and distribution, of industry and commerce, progress and human consideration for each, their rights, duties and happiness, it can receive in no other way.

We expect that each worker will do his duty; that each union will push on the work to make ready to inaugurate the day of the wage

earner's full enjoyment of liberty, the full fruits of his labor, the day when he shall have less hours of labor and more of those things that contribute to make life worth living; to make manhood nobler, womanhood more beautiful and childhood more happy; the day when man shall count his deeds as affecting his brother toiler equally as himself; when man's inhumanity to man shall be a question of the past, when a really free and disenthralled people will view our era as comparatively barbarous and wonder why we have endured it so long. Workers of America, organize, unite for the work-day of eight hours, more happiness, more progress and more freedom.

A PROTEST AGAINST MILITANCY. The United States Senate is now considering a bill introduced by Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, appropriating $88,000,000 for coast defense, and incidentally many more millions for otherwise increasing and improving the army and navy. In other words, under the mask of the jingo spirit inaugurated a few months ago the schemes of the capitalist, the monopolist class of the country, is bearing fruition in the shape of an increased army.

We are free to say that we expected better things from Senator Lodge than a biof that character. He must know, as all students of history know, that peace is as essential to successful industry as air is to lung-breathing animals; that the military spirit is dangerous to industry and commerce; that militancy is inconsistent with free institutions; that an increase of our army or navy does not imply greater ability to assert our rights in the affairs which concern our people; that an effort to make militancy one of the chief, if not the chief, consideration among our people is giving the lie to the assertion that we live under a government resting upon the consent of the governed.

Last December, when addressing the Central Labor Union in New York City, we called attention to the fact that it was our earnest judgment that the "war message" was only a covert and first attempt of corporate wealth and its servants to increase the military power, to the detriment and injury of the masses of our country.

Recognizing this fact to be the condition of affairs, upon the day the bill came up for consideration in the United States Senate, we sent the following telegram to the Vice-President of the United States:

INDIANAPOLIS, IND., Feb. 28, 1896. Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, President United States Senate, Washington, D. C.:

The workers of our country recognize in Senator Lodge's bill a covert attempt of corporate power to overawe the masses. It is inconsistent with and dangerous to free institutions. In the name of half mil

lion members, American Federation of Labor, I enter most emphatic protest against its passage. Please place before Senate. SAMUEL GOMPERS, President. To which we received the following reply: VICE PRESIDENT'S CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, Feb. 29, 1896. S

Hon. Samuel Gompers, Indianapolis, Ind: Dear Sir-Your telegram reached me last evening. It will be duly laid before the Senate when it convenes on Monday. There is no session of the Senate to-day. Your telegram will be referred to the committee having in charge the bill to which you refer.

A. E. STEVENSON.

We believe it the duty of every worker in the United States and every union throughout the country to send in their emphatic protests to Congress against the passage of any bill by which militancy is sought to be encouraged or by which the spirit of peaceful industry and commerce is or may be checked or hemmed in its development. We see so many of these conditions prevail in other countries; we see the workers-the masses-crushed under the burden of enormous taxation to support the armies and navies, which, in turn, are used to crush out the spirit of liberty, independence, justice and right. There is no danger from any foe now or prospective from which we cannot fully protect and defend ourselves. In time of real need we, as citizens, are all soldiers. It is the conscious fear of monopoly and capitalism of their wrong doing which makes such assinine or brutal exhibitions and propositions possible. The man who loves war is an enemy to the human race.

THE MISTAKE OF A CRITIC. Recently the Hon. John D. Kernan, a member of the commission which investigated the Chicago railroad strike, delivered an address on "Labor's Neglected Opportunities," in which he-like many others-fell into the common error in reference to the labor movement, and criticised the trade unions rather severely for the failure, which he alleged, to take advantage of many opportunities that the trade unions have.

There can be no question that Mr. Kernan, like many other sympathizers, or late converts to the justice of labor's cause, sees or imagines he sees, where much greater benefits would result to labor from a particular course of action. He, like they, fails to comprehend and observe that the trade union movement of our country, although as large as it is, is yet practically in its infancy, and as a consequence cannot be expected to take such mature action as it unquestionably will when it has grown and become developed, and the workers of our country are more thoroughly enrolled within its ranks.

It is scarcely within the truth when Mr. Kernan says that labor unions never present

their grievances to the public or any tribunal in a way capable of comprehension." If that were so, doubtless the commission of which Mr. Kernan was a member could never have reported so favorably and sympathetically as it did.

It cannot be denied that the labor organizations thus far have not kept records of a character in comparison to that of the capitalist class, and, we are free to admit-yes, would advise that there is considerable room for improvement, but it is also true that this defect is largely due to the fact that the wage earners, when organizing, have scarcely been in a position to contribute liberally to their unions, in order that the salary of an officer could be paid whose duty it would be to record the happenings of a contest in which the union may become engaged.

We are of the opinion that the criterion Mr. Kernan cites is scarcely a fair comparison to the general union movement. Undoubtedly the Pullman Company was in a position to record every detail of every day's happenings, while, too, it may be true that "the American Railway Union kept only a few newspaper clippings for an account of the progress of the strike it had instituted," but if Mr. Kernan's experience had been larger and wider with the trade unions that have been in existence for a number of years, and which have recognized the necessity of contributing higher dues in order that the interests of the members might be better protected and advanced, we feel assured that his criticism would require modification at his own hands.

Nor is Mr. Kernan's criticism upon another branch of trade union activity generous or fair. It may be true that some bills introduced for labor reform are crude in form, but they have usually been prepared by the best legal minds of the state or the country. The fact of the matter is, that when any real measure in the interest of labor or the masses of the people is introduced, it is not the "crude form" of the bill, but the fact that the fossilized representatives in the legislative halls who always look backward for musty precedents, and seldom forward for future benefits, have held the constitution to be so rigid that it would not admit of the adoption of the proposed law.

If Mr. Kernan were more intimately acquainted with the real labor movement of our country we feel sure he would never be led into the statement that "no labor organization has ever presented to congress an intelligent and comprehensive report of reforms needed." Since the existence of the American Federation of Labor, now nearly fifteen years, at each session of congress bills have been introduced of a comprehensive character requiring tangible, practical reforms. At the sessions of

each legislature of every industrial state similar action can be recorded.

Every change in the law that has taken young and innocent children out of the factory and workshop and placed them in the school room; every hour of burdensome toil taken from the shoulders of the weak; every provision by which the woman has been emancipated from the coal mine and coke ovens ; every measure within the past two decades looking to a larger freedom of action of the workers, conferring additional rights upon them or conceding some guarantee or protection to them, have been the direct results of the efforts of organized labor.

We are firmly of the opinion that Mr. Kernan is sympathetically inclined towards the efforts of the workers to obtain improved conditions, but we are just as fully convinced that he, like many others, is prompted in his criticism more by the dictates of deep sympathies than by actual knowledge or wide experience.

CHEAP JOHN UNIONS-II.

In our last issue we referred to various phases of the labor movement and the deterring effects low dues have on both its development and strength and we pointed out some of the features which have interfered with its growth. We desire, at this time, to return to the subject and to make a few further observations which our experience in the movement leads us to believe apply with much force.

When wage earners organize as a result of the desire for immediate improvement in conditions and make the fatal mistake of depending upon their enthusiasm to stand them as a substitute for ammunition (funds) in a battle, it is the almost invariable rule that defeat overtakes them, and, worse than all, it has aroused the employer from a fancied security into which years of unquestionable sway has lulled him; but from that time on he is alert and is ready to take advantage of any attempt at reorganization, and frequently succeeds in nipping in the bud and crushing the hope of the workers for years to obtain relief, advantage or justice through organization.

It may be truly said that, as a rule, it is better that the workers remain unorganized than to organize upon mere enthusiasm and the plentiful supply of high-sounding words. In the trade union movement we must endeavor to start right, if we hope that our unions shall be to us what they really should-our protectors and defenders in all the vicissitudes that may befall us as workers.

There are few of us who are in a position, as a result of our work, to save from our earnings a sufficient sum to provide us, as individuals, against the many ills to which as workers we are heirs. In fact, we are not quite so

sure that it were desirable or advantageous should we do so, even were we capable.

In truth, the unions of our trades should be our saving banks, our insurance societies to protect and defend us against any of the mishaps which may befall us as workers, as citizens, as men.

It is not alone our duty to provide ourselves in our unions with protection when engaged in conflict, such as lock-out or strike, but to also pay some attention to those mishaps for which there is no institution on earth, other than the trade unions, which make provision.

Who cares for the worker when unemployed? Charitable societies? The organized charities, which offer the labor of their unfortunate applicants at a wage which tends to lower the economic, moral and social conditions of all those who are employed? No; it is the trade union whose members have made provision in season by paying high dues for an out-of-work benefit.

A peculiarity noted by all active participants in the labor movement is this fact, that the unions which have failed to make timely provisions for protection and defense usually make up these defects by hysterical shrieks and so called " 'radical' demands. While on the other hand the unions which have taken time by the forelock and manifested the good sense of contributing fair dues to the union, are the most modest in bearing, yet most successful in maintaining the rights of their members and defending their wages and hours, gradually securing concessions and improved conditions.

Recently a workman, in answer to a question put to him, said that the benefits from labor organizations are doubtful, "because it is an unequal contest in case of a strike." Of course, we recognize that there is a number of workmen among whom that opinion obtains, but the "unequal contests" are simply the results of insufficient organization and the lack of provision made in the unions by the members. Higher dues in the unions means better wages, less hours, better surroundings, better treatment, and placing the workers upon a more equal basis to that of the employers.

Stripped of all verbosity, there is more true, hard common sense than sentiment and ranting, and yet more successful results among the workers who count with existing conditions and prepare to battle for their rights to day.

Nor is it, as some may imagine, that this question in its entirety is confined to the skilled trades so much as the fact that the workers are to a larger degree every day devoting some of their skill in perfecting the details of their organization for offensive and defensive purposes.

One of the greatest injuries caused by the organization of unions based upon low dues is, that with the first storm of adversity, such as an industrial crisis or panic, they are swept out of existence, and become a prey to the tender mercies of modern employers; while again, upon the revival of industry, much valuable time is lost in an effort for re-organization; while again, on the other hand, the union of workers which has provided itself with high dues and a chain of financial and protective features has been held together, and this mere fact of their cohesiveness has, to a large extent, prevented great impositions being fastened upon them. Then again, when a revival of industry has set in, they have saved themselves the time of "reorganization;" they are organized and ready to take advantage of the first opportunity which presents itself in order to regain any lost ground, or to obtain some new concession, in the shape of higher wages or lesser hours of labor.

Viewed from every standpoint, the history of the labor movement points to no one thing more clearly than this fact, that it is the manifest duty of the workers to organize in the unions of their trade and pay higher dues into their unions, thus making their organization a successful, and permanent institution, which will endure to secure their rights and remedy their wrongs, and to work on practical lines for present amelioration and labor's final emancipation.

EUROPEAN LABOR LETTERS.

We

In the April issue we shall begin, and continue monthly, the publication of a series of letters on the European Labor Movement, written specially for the FEDERATIONIST by that keen observer and trenchant writer, Mrs. Eva McDonald Valesh, who is now traveling throughout Europe with credentials issued to her by the American Federation of Labor. feel confident that the credential will give -in fact, has given-Mrs. Valesh exceptional opportunities to glean the very best of information. We are just in receipt of her first letter, but, regret to say, too late for publication in this issue. We can assure our readers and friends that the letters are up to Mrs. Valesh's best style and full of current interest.

THE bills prepared by authority of the American Federation of Labor, and endorsed by the last convention, relative to the legalization and protection of Trade Union Labels, as well as the Limitation of the Power of Judges in the issuance of "injunctions," have both been introduced in congress and referred to committees. A. F. of L. representative, Mr. Andrew Furuseth, is still in Washington doing good work for the Seamen's Bills, as well as those above referred to.

Mainly Progressive.

Reports have been received from the following national unions during the past month. Many others failed to respond because of absence from headquarters, lack of time, etc. The following covers one month only:

LAKE SEAMAN, T. J. Elderkin, secretary.-At Washington advocating seamen's bills.

COOPERS, Philip Strong, secretary.—Organized two unions, Norfolk, Va., and Cincinnati, O.

STREET RAILWAY EMPLOYEES, Rezin Orr, secretary.-Nothing of special interest during the month.

AGENTS, Milo J. Harris, secretary.-Organized three unions, Buffalo, Erie and Youngstown. Prospects bright.

MINERS, P. H. Penna, president.-Outlook promising in Pittsburg districts, which are the key to the mining interests. NORTHERN MINERAL MINE WORKERS, Wm. Mudge, secretary.-Organized two unions. Have gained 500 members.

strike.

No

CIGARMAKERS, G. W. Perkins, president.-Organized one union. Have had a few trade disputes, scarcely worth mentioning.

ACTORS, Joe M. Lawrence, secretary.—Have been very busy reorganizing our union. All now in a better condition than ever. Expect a boom.

CARRIAGE AND WAGON Workers, Chas. A. Baustian, secretary.-Two new unions in prospect. No disturbance. Several unions agitating eight hours.

IRON AND STeel WorkerS, J. C. Killgallon, secretary.—Matters running smoothly. Trade a trifle dull; we expect, however, a change for the better soon.

BREWERY WORKMEN, E. Kuzenkabe, secretary.--Organized union in Saginaw, Mich.; three lockouts, Omaha, La Crosse, Washington; have donated them $650.

RETAIL CLERKS, Ed E. Mallory, secretary.-Organized unions in Utica, N. Y., Riverside, Cal., Fort Wayne, Ind., Pittston, Pa. No strikes or lockouts on hand. Conditions, fair.

ELASTIC GORING WEAVERS, Thomas Pollard, secretary.Nothing of particular moment during the past month. Trade somewhat depressed. We would like organized labor to purchase the goods we produce, viz.: congress (elastic side) shoes. QUARRYMEN, P. F. McCarthy, secretary.-No new unions formed since date mentioned. Two strikes on hand. Bills of prices pending in three places and expect amicable termination. Have a number of unions not recognized by firms. Will pay $10 to anyone organizing union of fifteen members.

TAILORS, John B. Lennon, secretary.- Organized union at Glens Falls, N. Y.; twenty-two members. Resisted successfully reductions in eight cities. Strikes now on against reductions in Toronto, Columbus, Macon and Omaha, involving over two hundred members; prospects of winning very promising. General trade dull; outlook for spring, fair.

PRESSMEN, James Gelson, secretary.—Organized five unions: Peoria, Ill.; Patterson, N. J.; and (feeders) Peoria, Ill.; Lansing, Mich., and New York City, Also received fourteen unions of pressmen from the Typographical Union, under new agreement, and three feeders' unions. Have strike on in San Francisco and lockout in Atlanta, Ga.

GRANITE CUTTERS, James Duncan, secretary.-Organized three unions: San Antonia, Texas; East Sioux Falls, S. D., and Roxbury, Conn. Terminated strike at the last named place. Strike on in Denver against reduction; will win it. Are now effecting a favorable settlement of the New England lockout. We are perfecting organization. Trade sluggish; prospects good. BAKERS, Henry Wisemann, secretary. Organized seven unions, Elmira, New York City (Italian), Albany (formerly K. of L.), Ithaca, Pawtucket, Dayton and Auburn. Never before in our history have we organized so many places during the cold season. Expect greater revival when spring season makes its bow, We have bills for a ten-hour work day and sanitary

conditions before the Legislatures of Massachusetts, New Jersey and Maryland, and have proposed far-reaching additions to last year's law of New York State, where, too, the employers have combined to fight us. The great interest, however, which people take in our cause, and the ready support of all organized labor, make our final success a certainty.

TYPOGRAPHICAL, W. B Prescott, president.-Organized three unions, stereotypers of Omaha, Italian compositors of New York City, and compositors of Coldwater, Mich. Strikes on in Davenport, Ia., and Detroit, to enforce scale; in Atlanta against obnoxious contract and Grand Fork, N. D., for scale and against displacement of men by girls. Prospects of winning good. Business improving.

AMALGAMATED WOOD WORKERS, Thos. I. Kidd, secretary.— Organized union in Detroit. Two strikes now in progress in Quincy, Ill.- Excelsior Show Case and Cabinet Works and Quincy Show Case Works. Would suggest that you remove both concerns from your Fair List and substitute the Globe Fixture and Furniture Company, of same place, which employs none but union men.

HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYES, Woyt Losky, secretary Organized unions in New York, Detroit and Omaha. Women waiters are taking places of men. One house in St. Louis now pays $4 per week of twelve hours to women where men got $10. As there is, perhaps, no woman who will admit she is in the business permanently, all our attempts at organizing them have proved futile.

BOOT AND Shoe Workers, John F. Tobin, president.— Organized seven unions as follows: Springvale, Me.; Syracuse, N. Y.; Randolph, Mass.; Hamilton and London, Can., and two in Chicago. Also brought over a K. of L. union in Lynn. As I write application comes from K. of L. cutters of Haverhill, Mass. Yes, we grow; ninety-eight unions now, and we will get a K. of L. cutters assembly in Lynn this evening.

THEATRICAL STAGE EMPLOYES, B. J. Ryan, secretary.— Organized five new unions, Springfield, O.; New Orleans, La.; Lawrence, Howell and Haverhill, Mass. We have also taken in the scenic artists and the calcium light operators of New York and the calcium light operators of Philadelphia. Have strikes on in Indianapolis, St. Louis and Washington. Have some trouble in Philadelphia, but expect to win in a short time.

ELECTRICAL WORKERS, J. T. Kelly, secretary.- Organized five unions. Everything points to a prosperous year for our organization. Have had but one strike and were victorious. Secured advance in wages in one city without a strike. The union which we organized in New York at close of convention promises to be one of the largest in our organization. Also at that time organized Schenectady, with one hundred and fifty members at start.

MACHINISTS, Geo. Preston, secretary.-Since our connection with the American Federation of Labor we have organized about twenty-five new lodges and reorganized about thirty others. We have succeeded largely of late in the eastern cities, where previously we always experienced difficulty in gaining a foothold. This I attribute in a great measure to the assistance we have received from your organization. Never before in our history have we been in so sound a condition, both financially and numerically.

TIN, SHEET IRON AND Cornice WorKERS, Jas. F. Hughes, secretary. No strikes, lockouts nor new locals. Held convention in Detroit, February 10; lasted six days. A proposition will be submitted to the membership for a change of name to "Amalgamated Sheet Metal Workers International Association." There were twenty-six delegates present. Officers reported forty-six unions in good standing and a grand increase during the past year. Officers elected for ensuing term: President, R. M. Ryan, St. Louis; secretary, Jas. F. Hughes, Pittsburgh; first vice-president, H. H. Brouch, Peoria; second, James Somers, Cincinnati; treasurer, Fred Zoolen, Cincinnati; organizer, Geo. M. Hockett, Indianapolis; executive council, H. H. Brouch, Peoria; James Somers, Cincinnati; A. D. Sherman, Toledo; C. M, Emery, Chicago; J. J. McGinnis, Detroit,