Union, in Indianapolis, through Parrott & Taggart; in Pittsburgh, through S. S. Marvin; in Cincinnati, through Muth & Langsdon, and in Buffalo, through the Vienna Model; and Smith & Collins are still waging a bitter warfare against what they consider an unjust interference of the union with the conduct of their business. 2. The wages paid by both companies varies in accordance with local conditions. As a rule, it is from two to four dollars below the union scale. 3. Our scale also varies to suit local conditions, the average being $17 for ovenworkers and $14 for benchhands. 4. Goods of both companies are sold in New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Minnesota, Kansas, Wisconsin and Michigan. 5. The assistance given to us so far has been meager, lacking as we do sufficient means. HENRY WEISMANN, Secretary Bakers and Confectioners International Union. East India Matting Co., Piqua, O. Cause of trouble: A sweeping reduction in wages, which were already outrageously low. Goods are sold If committees from the central bodies would wait upon these concerns, it would have good effect. The firm has an office at 28 South William street, New York City, where the goods are sold as a New York product. Goods are being sent back regularly. ROBERT J. SMITH, DAUBE, COHEN & CO. The impositions practiced in Rochester so stirred up the tailors that a general strike occurred in August, 1895, and lasted ten weeks. The tailors voluntarily left the city rather than submit and were taken care of by other unions, since when many leading dealers from all parts of the country have withdrawn their trade. Daube, Cohen & Co. and Clement, Bane & Co., of Chicago, caused a strike of the cutters employed because of an attempt to reduce wages and increase the hours. These two firms entered into a combination with other firms to destroy the unions of the trade. Clement, Bane & Co. is one of the firms mentioned in the New York Herald of Oct. 21, 1894, as handling convict-made goods from Sing Sing. It was shown by this exposure that an extensive system of manufacturing in competition with fair labor had been carried on while small pox and other diseases prevailed in prison. The strike is still on. The firm managed to employ clothing cutters of other cities and formed an assembly of the K. of L. The union rate of wages for the clothing cutters of Chicago is $20 to $24 per week for eight hours' work per day. The trouble with the cloak manufacturers, Jos. Biefeld and F. Siegel & Bros., of Chicago, originated through a strike of the cutters for union conditions about three years ago and is still unsettled. The firm of Daube, Cohen & Co. and Clement, Bane & Co. have obtained a temporary injunction restraining the District Council of Chicago from issuing circulars. The case is now pending. This cannot interfere, however, with the general office, which is located in New York City, where the courts have upheld our right to issue such circulars. The goods of all these manufacturers are sold to retailers throughout the United States. The results have been fairly effective so far, as many of the retail dealers have withdrawn trade when notified, and especially when waited upon by committees from the local unions. The unions could greatly assist us, however, by sending committees to visit all the clothiers and cloak dealers in their respective localities, calling attention to the fact that organized working people and their friends will not patronize any dealers handling such goods. HENRY WHITE, General Secy of the United Garment Workers of America. Studebaker Manufacturing Co., Chicago. CARRIAGES AND WAGONS. The cause of trouble with the Studebaker Bros. Manufacturing Co. was the enforcement of the ninehour day, which was granted by 164 firms. The wages paid were from $8 to $15 per week of sixty hours (are now less). The highest rate is paid only to one or two of each department. No scale of wages is fixed by the union. Their vehicles are sold all over the country. Every user of vehicles of any description could assist us by refusing to buy the product of this firm and ask their dealer to keep only such vehicles for sale as bear the union label, which is on the seat of every union-made vehicle CHAS. A. BAUSTIAN, Sec.-Treas. Carriage and Wagon Workers Int. Union. Royal Mantel and Furniture Co., Rockford, Ill. On July 1, 1896, a 10 per cent cut in wages was made, and an agreement had to be signed to allow the company to hold another 20 per cent, to be paid at its option; also compelled to rent their houses at higher rates. Cabinet-makers finally received from $14 to $35 per month; finishers, 8 to 10 cents per hour. Of the 20 per cent. deducted the company owed the men from two to three months' wages. Men organized and demanded this money; were refused. Furniture Workers Union No. 79 then interfered. The firm paid down half the amounts and made arrangements to pay in full. It was also agreed that none of the committeemen should be discharged. This was soon violated. Union insisted on reinstatement, and strike followed. Goods sold universally, in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois particularly. Full information on how to help us can be had by addressing headquarters at 146 West Madison street, Chicago. The central labor unions of Cleveland, Toledo, Baltimore and Newark have done us good service. Many carloads of goods have been returned. THOS. I. KIDD, General Sec'y Amalgamated Wood Workers Int. Union. Kipp Bros., Milwaukee, Wis. MATTRESSES, SPRING BEDs, Feathers. The cause of the strike was they discharged three of the men for joining our union, and frequent reduction of wages, which were 30 to 40 per cent. less than in Chicago and other union shops. The goods are sold to the furniture trade. We have been assisted with small donations from local trade unions for a short time. We can be more effectively assisted by notifying the unions in Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Minnesota and Wisconsin. The effect has been disastrous to Kipp Bros. Fraternally yours, JOHN CONROY; Secy. Breweries. ENGLISH SYNDICATE, St. Louis. CONRAD SCHREIER, Sheboygan, Wis. BERGNER & ENGEL AND BALZ, Philadelphia, Pa. DEUSCHER MALTING Co, Hamilton, O. Cause of the trouble: All our members locked out on October 23, 1893, by all St. Louis breweries, except the Anheuser-Busch Brewing Association and the Wm. J. Lemp Brewing Co., because they refused to give up their organization. The wages paid are considerably lower than the union scale, which is $14, $15 and $16 per week for ten hours. The goods are sold in the states of Missouri, Illinois, Iowa and Texas, largely, and smaller quantities in Indiana, Kansas and Louisiana. A great number of organizations have assisted us in good shape, but a large number have failed to do so, especially in St. Louis. The Syndicate has closed three breweries and lost on its sales, since 1893, 180,000 barrels. It and the saloonkeepers tried to use the courts against the distribution of our literature, but failed. The boycott against Pfaff's beer is now unnecessary, as the brewery workmen of Boston are about to amalgamate with us. Bergner & Engel and Balz Breweries, of Philadelphia, Pa., through the efforts of their saloonkeepers, arrested four of our members, and two were prosecuted under the conspiracy law and convicted, and sentenced to three months in prison. While the Gutsch Brewing Co., of Sheboygan, Wis., has since the formation of our local Union, No. 59, always recognized the union rules, Conrad Schreier constantly refused to do this, and never employed a union man. The wages he pays are not according to the scale. Schreier's beer is sold in Sheboygan and vicinity, while he ships his malt in all directions of the country, sometimes under the name of another firm. Therefore, it is very difficult to trace its sale. The Fischer Malting Co., of Buffalo, N. Y., refuses to pay living wages for one of the most unhealthy and hardest labors, lasting from October to May each year only. The maltsters are compelled to work during this season seven days a week, and thirteen to fifteen hours a day, for the most unreasonable wages, from $7 to $9 a week. Through these Chinese wages, it is very easy for these firms to succeed competing against the union malt houses of the country. If we are supported we will remove one of the greatest obstacles in the way of our national union to bring about a thorough organization of the malt workers. The trouble with the Deuscher Malting Co., of Hamilton, O., is caused by the very same circumstances as those against the Fischer Malting Co., of Buffalo. The trouble with George Ehret, of New York, is caused by a lockout of all members of our national union since 1888, and refusal to give employment to union men or recognize union rules. Goods are sold in New York and vicinity and the New England states. Our national union has used all possible means to get organized labor to abstain from the use of this unfair product; but especially in New York the members of labor organizations have not carried out their principles. We can be assisted by a decided appeal of the executive board of the American Federation of Labor to the labor organizations of New York and vicinity and those of the New England States to do their duty. CHAS. F. BECHTOLD, Secretary National Union of the United Brewery Workmen, S. F. Iless & Co., Cigars, Rochester, N. Y. March 28, 1888, union received communication from firm that they could not make cigars with our members, unless we made some different arrangements. The firm had received assurance from the National Trades Assembly of Cigarmakers, K. of L., they could manufacture cigars under another system at much less per thousand. Informed them that union could not make other arrangements; they locked our men out. Applied to our international executive board for lockout benefits, and we were sustained. After ten days they sent for men and put them to work; worked for three weeks; then were informed they could take their tools away. That same night they sent for our shop collector and told him if the men would join the K. of L., they could work again under the bunch-breaking and rolling system. The next Monday a number were sent for and told the same story; they were given till the following Thursday to decide. Union held a meeting and decided again to apply to the international executive board, and we were sustained in a lockout. That day appeared in this city Mr. Seningen, of Philadelphia, master-workman K. of L., National Assembly of Cigarmakers. Induced some suspended members, apprentices, girls and tramps to form K. of L. assembly, the initiation fee being paid by the firm. Our union applied to Rochester central body for an investigation; and committee having reported, the shop was declared unfair. The wages paid are from $4 to $5 for rolling a thousand cigars, and from $2 to $3 for breaking. Our bill of prices is from $8 to $15. The most of Hess's goods are sold west; they do little business in Rochester. If noticed more in western states, the result would be more effective. THOS. J. NOLAN, Secretary Cigarmakers Union No. 5. Detroit Cigars. Detroit cigar manufacturers have run annex shops in which child labor has been employed. They did a tremendous business on the claim of having all union men in their shops, when in reality the union men were laid off and the children were kept working, as they only received one-half what they had to pay the union men and women. The annex shops are situated away from the union shops, but manufacture the same kind of cigars as the so-called union shops. We realized that our union men were being laid off or discharged, and we could also see that the bosses were trying to break our union. Therefore, we went out on the 4th day of June, 1895. Our local bill of prices is lower than any city in Michigan, rating from $7 to $16 per thousand. Goods are sold in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Utah, Colorado, Washington, Montana, and in fact all through the west. Some organizations have done nobly by us, both morally and financially. The fight has produced in our city a demand for nothing but label goods. If the other states would agitate the cause of the label, then these goods could not be sold. These questions are answered to the best of my ability. I sincerely trust the workers will do some active work in our interest, for as long as these cigars sell outside our state the fight will continue. N. JACKSON, Cor. Secy Advisory Board Detroit Cigarmakers and Packers. Imperial Flour Mill Co., Duluth, Minn. Awarded their contract for barrels to a non-union concern, and fifty union coopers were thrown out of employment. Sell in Buffalo, Rochester, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, New York, Boston and other places. Members could help us if they would drop a postal when they see these Imperial brands on sale. It would, in fact, help us immensely. We have received but little aid from outside parties, but we believe some good has been accomplished. W. I. GROUT, Secy Coopers Union No. 5. 602 Garfield Ave,, Duluth, Minn, J. W. Losse Tailoring Co., St. Louis, Mo Cause of trouble: Losse would not recognize our union. Wages paid are from $5 to $8 for a suit. Our scale of prices was from $9 to $14. The goods are sold mostly in the west, south and southwest, but he has agents traveling all over the country. Have been assisted by the Trades and Labor Union of St. Louis, and by most of other unions in St. Louis. We can be assisted by advertising in all labor papers, especially in Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas and in Texas. The trouble has affected him a great deal in this city. At present most of their trade comes from the states I have named. The firm is at present running one of the greatest "sweat shops" in the country. JOHN J. LISCHER, Sec'y Journeymen Tailors Union No. 11. Hamilton-Brown Shoe Co., St. Louis, Mo. In October, 1888, lasters went out against reduction of two cents per pair. From then to September, 1894, there have been at least nine strikes against reductions by the non-unionists. In the spring of 1894 we organized the factory secretly, and on the Tuesday after Labor Day another reduction was offered, and the men refused to accept. In 1888 we got ten cents per pair for lasting kid shoes with patent leather tip; to-day this firm pays three cents per pair or 70 per cent. reduction since 1888. Is it any surprise that the 3,500 shoeworkers of St. Louis can only average $1 per day according to the labor commissioner's statistics. This firm's goods are extensively sold in the southwest, northwest and west. In the states of Texas, Arkansas, Wyoming and Indian territories they have a large trade. Injunctions were issued against all the active members of the union restraining them from even walking the streets where the factory is. I myself got one. Had not these injunctions been issued we would have won the strike. We have been assisted by the members of the A. F. of L. and independent organizations to a great extent. E. M. BANNISTER, For the Boot and Shoe Workers Union. Mesker Bros., St. Louis, Mo. TIN, COPPER, Galvanized Iron and ARCHITECTURAL IRON WORKS. In 1891, the Tin, Sheet Iron and Cornice Workers Union, of St. Louis, went on strike for eight hours. Mesker Bros. fought the strike, and discharged all union men. They also organized the bosses of St. Louis, and paid all expenses. They refused to arbitrate. The other bosses generally recognized the union. Mesker Bros. pay the lowest wages in town, from $1.25 to $2.50 per day, of ten hours. Our scale is from $2 to $3 per day, of eight hours. Products are sold principally in the south, southwest, west and considerably east. We have received no assistance outside of St. Louis. Most of the unions indorsed our action; also, the Trades and Labor Union and Building Trades Council. All building trades unions in the country should refuse to handle Mesker Bros. goods. They make cornices, galvanized iron fronts and all work in the sheet metal line. Mesker Bros. are opposed to organized labor in any form, and have fought it as hard as capital can. HENRY C. BERGMEIER, Sec'y Tin, Sheet Iron and Cornice Workers Union No. 36. Arena, Pilot, Republic. The Arena is printed by Pinkham & Co., Boston, a non-union concern. To narrate the efforts made by the Typographical Union to unionize it during the past two years would occupy much space. The Fed eration was appealed to at Denver, and went so far as to commission a member of the executive council to wait in person upon the Arena management, but the same results followed. At the recent New York convention the action of the Typographical Union was endorsed. The Pilot and Republic are being pressed hard by the organized labor all over the country. CHAS. G. WILKINS, Organizer of International Typographical Union. Hopedale Manufacturing Co. Cause of trouble: Breaking of agreement by superintendent. Wages paid are not more than 50 or 60 per cent of scale. The product, elastic gorings for shoes, is sold mostly in Massachusetts, through agents. THOMAS POLLARD, Sec'y Elastic Goring Weavers Amalgamated Association. Harding & Todd, Rochester, N. Y.; Gould & Walker, Westboro, Mass. SHOES. Cause of trouble: Discrimination against union men; lock-out. Goods sold generally. Bryan Harding was one of thirty labor representatives in the Massachusetts House, and voted against the ten-hour bill. He was also the direct cause of the great strike in Rochester in 1890, which broke five shoe unions. Call for the union stamp, to be found on sole of shoe. JOHN F. TOBIN, President Boot and Shoe Workers Union. Why We Unite. BY AUG. MCCRAITH. We unite because we must. It is not a matter of sentiment, or charity; it is one of business. True, the blood tingles on beholding the brutalities of our industrial chaos, but while this is an incentive, it is not the foundation of our trade unionism. We are trade unionists because there is no other agency that will secure for us good wages, a short workday, partial independence in the present, and, sometime, we hope, complete. No other agency! A bold statement. Can we prove it? Problem: To secure the product of our labor. Not a school of economic thought, and there are many, but acknowledges the necessity of union to attain as well as union to hold when attained. One individual cannot lift ten hundred weight; ten individuals can do so with ease. History avouches it. All evidence and experience make the claim of unity axiomatic. In this instance, then, a union of what? Of all classes? Landlords, bankers, lawyers, manufacturers, merchants, wageworkers, such as make up a political party? No; the first two exploit us-we cannot unite with them. The third is a tool of patronage, on sale; he will "tear a passion to rags" for pelf,-he, too, we must exclude. The fourth and fifth, fellow-sufferers of ours, with them we would combine against the first; but they will not. They think they can get more by keeping us, their patrons, down. Are we left, then, to unite with our fellow-wageworkers? But wait! We overlook the professions—ministers, physicians, scholars, editors. Capable men! Intelli gent, conversant, select! But, with creditable exceptions, lukewarm followers; not leaders. Men of bottled opinions. So,-wageworkers! And they? Robbed, deceived, damned! Scoffed at, shot at, jailed! Unanimous, of course? Men of similar ideas, purposes and means? Hardly. Rather, men of vastly different ideas, purposes and means, to be similarized in action. Men --honest, dishonest, noble, mean, progressive, tardy, commanding, resisting, liberal, dogmatic, heretical, orthodox, ignorant, enlightened, radical, conservative. Opinions, all shades. A union of "all sorts and conditions of men." Manifestly, it is impossible to unite these on any composite program. As well talk of an equilibrium of faculties, as Andrews puts it, despite the law of individuality. Impossible in any event but for-self interest. The powerful lever of mutual want, the product of their labor. There is no diversity of opinion on this. To secure it they will combine on certain methods within certain limits. Such methods must necessarily be simple, and the limits narrow, but not incapable of expansion. They will not be as narrow as the narrowest, nor as broad as the broadest. They will be average, with an upward tendency, due to the education which must follow exchange of ideas and contact. The standard will be continually advanced by the dishonest yielding to the honest, in deference to that natural law, the sense of right; the enlightened will elevate the ignorant; the bark of the radical, answered by the growl of the conservative, will modify both; the arbitrary, the resisting, heretic and orthodox, will temporarize, agree to disagree on cherished views and work on common ground. Any attempt to overstep this limit by force will result in lukewarmness, will break the bond of union. Conscience will go on strike. (I venture to say that had it been possible to enforce all the resolutions adopted by the trade union we would have "all sorts and conditions" of organizations. As it is, the individual is partially contented by his protest). The maximum of organization, of "universal variety in unity," can only be secured by the minimum of coercion; and no matter what the organization may be, it can accomplish but little without numerical strength. The mass will rule despite tangents. Such is the liberty of society. That is not progress which breaks from the mass because of its tardiness. It may be magnificent, courageous, but it is not war. Sooner or later the retreat must be made. The folly of such is apexed when they attack the masses of their fellowsufferers, as do some anarchists, state socialists and others. The most they can do is to disrupt, defeat union, and then later, when wiser and exploded, get off the union track, or back into the fold and teach, if their foolhardiness has not discounted their usefulness. This ability to break should only be exercised when coercion is attempted. So, then, we must have union, which must be numerically strong, which must be of average desire, and which will be educational, flexible and hence progressive. Such is the highest form of organization that man can achieve, built upon common ground, along which its pathway must be traced; and such is theTrade Union. We will secure the product of our labor by the progressive trade union. Trade unions are progressive? Yes; both progressive and slow. Slow because they have the mass to educate, and progressive because of their education. During the past decade the trade union has found "common ground" upon many new ideas. Whether they are all correct or not we will not now discuss. Suffice it to say, they evidence flexibility, expansion and the progressive tendency. Such are: nationalization of what are thought to be inevitable monopolies, mines, railroads, telephones, telegraph; municipalization of street cars, light, water; abolition of land monopoly; abolition of money monopoly; direct legislation; Australian ballot, and others. All of these has the trade union endorsed and advocated, showing conclusively its limits are not fixed, and that it is ready-must adopt that which is acceptable to its members. Its present aims and methods are well known; it will adopt others just as soon as the education it so widely disseminates levels down the hills and fills up the gaps in the minds of its members. Its possibilities are bounded only by lack of knowledge and the non-unionist. No criticism of the trade union can be made that does not apply to the whole working class. When the time arrives that results can be achieved by new methods, they will not be new to the trade union. And this is why we unite. The Harmony of Interests. BY WM. HOLMES. Among the many absurd fictions with which the possessors of wealth have ever sought to hoodwink the victims of their craft and greed, the producers, the fiction of harmony of interests is pre-eminent. This specious plea has been constantly put forth, not only by capitalists, but by most political economists as an excuse for continuing the system of economical brigandage known as the wage system. And because it has been so many times reiterated, and, until recently, seldom questioned, and apparently for no other reason, it has come to be generally believed. So strong, indeed, has become this belief that even the workers themselves, manifestly the only sufferers by reason of continuing the fiction, with few exceptions, accept it as a maxim, and question its truth no more than they do the diurnal motions of the earth or the existence of the polar regions. And yet this fiction is so evidently absurd that we can but wonder it ever for a moment found acceptance in the brains of intelligent people. It will not even bear the test of comparatively superficial críticism. Submitted to the process of analytical reasoning it crumbles and dissolves into the noxious elements which gave it birth, viz. fraud, cruelty and insatiable greed. The harmony of interests between capitalists and laborers (which is really what is meant when the terms capital and labor are used in this connection) is of the same nature as the "harmony of interests" which exists between the serpent and the bird, the flea and the dog, the hawk and the chicken, the highwayman and the traveler. The capitalist charms his victims by his promises and blandishments, he fastens his merciless teeth and claws into their quivering bodies; he sucks from them the life fluid and spurns their bloodless carcasses; he robs them of their substance and leaves their famished bodies to rot by the roadside. Let those who think the arraignment unjust look well about them. What is implied by the term "harmony?" Does it not mean a just adaptation of parts to each other, concord, unity of interest? Is not peace a primal requisite to its condition? Can there be harmony between persons, factions, classes or nations having adverse interests, conflicting opinions or contrary desires? The thing is impossible. Neither can there be harmony between those who possess all wealth, yet produce it not, and the producers of all wealth, who possess it not. Come with me to one of our modern "hives of industry." Almost any of them will do. Here is a sash, blind and door factory, employing two hundred men and boys—“hands," they are euphoniously called, probably because they are not expected to develop brains in the treadmill existence common to our modern factories. We pay no attention to the sign, "Positively No Admittance," which confronts us at the door, except to wonder at the " 'harmony" of a system which has to be promoted by the employment of wooden watch dogs. Entering, we find ourselves within a large room, where perhaps fifty men and boys are employed in sawing lumber, running matching, mortising, planing and grooving machines, carrying lumber, etc. Belts, pulleys, swiftly revolving saws and knives in every direction. On inquiry we learn that such is the "harmony of interests" between the owners of the plant and the "hands" that no protection is afforded the latter against injuries by the machinery; that, as a consequence, loss of fingers, hands and arms is an almost daily occurrence; that this harmony" is further promoted by docking the the mutilated employes for lost time in caring for and nursing their injuries, and by discharging them altogether when the wounds prove so serious as to incapacitate them from performing their allotted tasks. Again, we learn that this valuable lesson of "harmony of interests" is taught the docile slaves of this capitalistic treadmill, by paying able-bodied men, many of them having families to support, commonly called “roustabouts," less than a dollar a day, while the company which controls this aggregate of steel, iron and human machines declare an eight per cent quarterly dividend. This brings to our minds the manner in which Carlyle illustrated the "harmony" between capitalists and laborers in the address of Plugson, the manufacturer, to his workmen : "Noble spinners! We have gained a hundred thousand pounds, which is mine; three and sixpence daily was yours. Adieu, drink my health with this groat each, which I give you over and above." Looking about us we see, posted in a wooden frame in a conspicuous place, a printed notice of rules governing the establishment—or rather governing the slaves of the establishment, for the masters here, as well as in wider fields, are above and independent of laws. There is a rule requiring employes to forfeit a week's pay (which is kept back by the company) when leaving without notice. A rule that requires employes to pay for damaged or broken tools and for work injured or spoiled. A rule "docking" employes a quarter of a day if but five minutes late. A rule requiring employes to give ten days' notice of demand for wages on leaving employment, and another compelling workmen to agree that the company may discharge its "hands" without notice or explanation. Strict rules against strikers, members of labor organizations and fomenters of discord. How well these capitalists guard the harmony of interests!" In vain we look for a single rule binding upon the employers. Each and every line of this code of laws is for the rigid government of one class only-the "hands." We may read plainly, between the lines of this notice: You are our slaves. Do our bidding docilely, patiently, uncomplainingly, and as long as we have use for you we will permit you, on our own terms, to exist. Prove captious, discontented and rebellious, and we will turn you out to starve. While we are lost in sad reflection upon the apparent incongruity of certain harmonious relations, we hear a great uproar. The foreman has left the room. The whilom docile slaves of the machines are amusing themselves by scuffling, dancing, throwing pieces of wood, shouting and laughing uproariously. At this fresh exhibition of the harmonious relations between capitalists and laborers we indulge in more disagreeable speculations, when the whole matter is cut short by the blowing of the noon whistle. Instantly, as if the building were on fire and delay of a single second meant deadly peril, there is a wild scramble for coats and hats, a rush for the doors, and in another moment the room is empty, save for the few "hands" who are already eating their frugal dinner. The climax is reached. It is unnecessary to ascend to the floors above, where like conditions produce similar results. Let us hasten from this scene of concord, this practical yet mild illustration of the beautiful harmony which is said to exist between capitalists and workers. Let us go and cover our faces for very shame that we permit ourselves to be daily cajoled and year after year deluded by the monstrous lie. Workers, have I overdrawn the picture? You know I have not. No, nor painted it half as black as the dismal reality too often shows. I might have told of the harmony of interests" which produce a Homestead, a Cour d'Alene, a Buffalo or an A. R. U. and Pullman episode. I might picture to you the "hands" of the Illinois Steel Company, tagged and numbered, and so burned, blistered and maimed into premature and unknown graves, sans name, sans home, sans property, sans everything. But in very kindness to your feelings and mine, I forbear. |